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It is alleged that at some time about or after 4 p.m. on May 30, 1921, 19-year-old Dick Rowland, a Black shoeshiner employed at a Main Street shine parlor, entered the only elevator of the nearby Drexel Building at 319 South Main Street to use the top-floor restroom, which was restricted to Black people. He encountered Sarah Page, the 17-year-old White elevator operator on duty. The two likely knew each other at least by sight, as this building was the only one nearby with a restroom which Rowland had expressed permission to use, and the elevator operated by Page was the only one in the building. A clerk at Renberg's, a clothing store on the first floor of the Drexel, heard what sounded like a woman's scream and saw a young Black man rushing from the building. The clerk went to the elevator and found Page in what he said was a distraught state. Thinking she had been assaulted, he summoned the authorities
a group of approximately 50–60 Black men, armed with rifles and shotguns, arrived at the jail to support the sheriff and his deputies in defending Rowland from the mob. Corroborated by ten witnesses, attorney James Luther submitted to the grand jury that they were following the orders of Sheriff McCullough who publicly denied he gave any orders:
Having seen the armed Black men, some of the more than 1,000 Whites who had been at the courthouse went home for their own guns.
Oklahoma's 2001 Commission into the riot provides multiple contradicting estimates. Goble estimates 100–300 deaths (also stating right after that no one was prosecuted even though nearly a hundred were indicted),[101] and Franklin and Ellsworth estimate 75–100 deaths and describe some of the higher estimates as dubious as the low estimates.[102] C. Snow was able to confirm 39 casualties, all listed as male although 4 were unidentifiable; 26 were Black and 13 were White.[18] The 13 White fatalities were all taken to hospitals.[103] Eleven of them had come from outside of Oklahoma, and possibly as many as half were petroleum industry workers.[104] Only 8 of the confirmed 26 Black fatalities were brought to hospitals,[103] and as hospitals were segregated, and with the Black Frissell Memorial Hospital having burned down, the only place where the injured Black people were treated was at the basement of Morningside Hospital.[105] Several hundred were injured
The commercial section of Greenwood was destroyed. Losses included 191 businesses, a junior high school, several churches, and the only hospital in the district. The Red Cross reported that 1,256 houses were burned and another 215 were looted but not burned.[108] The Tulsa Real Estate Exchange estimated property losses amounted to US$1.5 million in real estate and $750,000 in personal property[109] (equivalent to a total of $33 million in 2020). The Red Cross report on December 1921 estimated that 10,000 people were made homeless by the destruction.[110] Over the next year, local citizens filed more than US$1.8 million (equivalent to $26 million in 2020) in riot-related claims against the city
originally posted by: EternalShadow
Further, there were 99 "anniversaries" before this one, where was the outrage for those?
originally posted by: MiddleInsite
So I guess we shouldn't teach any history in schools then, since that was then and this is now, right?
a reply to: EternalShadow
originally posted by: AugustusMasonicus
originally posted by: EternalShadow
Further, there were 99 "anniversaries" before this one, where was the outrage for those?
It's discussed every year, it isn't exactly one of the high points in our country's history.
originally posted by: MiddleInsite
So I guess we shouldn't teach any history in schools then, since that was then and this is now, right?
a reply to: EternalShadow
originally posted by: EternalShadow
Plenty of those to go around, take your pick.
My point is how the focus is on everything else, while the abhorrent behavior and conduct is simply not an issue at all.
‘Unearthing a Riot’ [The New York Times] A wall of silence surrounded the Tulsa race riot, which was instigated in part by the city itself, reported Brent Staples, by permitting and aiding the looting, arson and murders in Greenwood. The law professor Alfred L. Brophy argued that city officials “made the riot worse” when police deputized hundreds from a lynch mob. The state legislator Don Ross, who had published the exposé “Profile of a Race Riot,” detailing Ku Klux Klan involvement, also found evidence of the mayor and the city commission plotting to “steal black land so that the ‘colored section’ could be pushed farther north,” he said.
At dawn, a force of ‘citizens, police and members of the National Guard,’ numbering perhaps 1,500, moved into Greenwood from the south and west, under orders to take into protective custody unarmed blacks and to subdue any who resisted
In an analysis of the case, Brophy writes that the city ''clothed private citizens with the authority to arrest, almost surely instructed them to kill and quite likely instructed them to burn Greenwood.'
At the courthouse, the sudden and unexpected turn of events had a jolting effect on the would-be lynch mob, and groups of angry, vengeance-seeking whites soon took the streets and sidewalks of downtown. “A great many of these persons lining the sidewalks,” one white eyewitness later recalled, “were holding a rifle or shotgun in one hand, and grasping the neck of a liquor bottle with the other. Some had pistols stuck into their belts.”
Some were about to become, at least temporarily, officers of the law. Shortly after the fighting had broken out at the courthouse, a large number of whites - many of whom had only a little while earlier been members of the would-be lynch mob -- gathered outside of police headquarters on Second Street. There, perhaps as many as five-hundred white men and boys were sworn-in by police officers as “Special Deputies.” Some were provided with badges or ribbons indicating their new status. Many, it appears, also were given specific instructions. According to Laurel G. Buck, a white bricklayer who was sworn-in as one of these “Special Deputies”, a police officer bluntly told him to “Get a gun and get a 'n-word'.”
Shortly thereafter, whites began breaking into downtown sporting goods stores, pawnshops, and hardware stores, stealing -- or “borrowing” as some would later claim -- guns and ammunition. Dick Bardon's store on First Street was particularly hard hit as well as the J.W. MeGee Sporting Goods shop at 22 W. Second Street, even though it was located literally across the street from police headquarters. The owner later testified that a Tulsa police officer helped to dole out the guns that were taken from his store.
Another interesting aspect regarding the guardsmen who gathered at the armory exists. Not only were the Tulsa units of the National Guard exclusively white, but as the evening wore on, it became increasingly clear that they would not play an impartial role in the “maintenance of law and order.” Like many of their white neighbors, a number of the local guardsmen also came to conclude that the race riot was, in fact, a “Negro uprising,” a term used throughout their various after action reports. At least one National Guard officer went even further, using the term “enemy” in reference to African Americans. Given the tenor of the times, it is hardly surprising that Tulsa's all-white National Guard might view black Tulsans antagonistically. As the riot continued to unfold, this also would prove to be far from irrelevant.
Their deployment was far from impartial, for the “skirmish line” that the National Guard officers established was set-up facing - or soon would be -- the African American district. Moreover, the guardsmen also began rounding up black Tulsans, whom they handed over -- as prisoners -- to the police, and they also briefly exchanged fire with gunmen to the east. Far from being utilized as a neutral force, Tulsa's local National Guard unit along Detroit Avenue were, even in the early hours of the riot, being deployed in a manner which would eventually set them in opposition to the black community.
"Anniversary" denotes a celebration, what's to celebrate?
the annual recurrence of a date marking a notable event
originally posted by: AugustusMasonicus
originally posted by: EternalShadow
Plenty of those to go around, take your pick.
Today I pick this one.
My point is how the focus is on everything else, while the abhorrent behavior and conduct is simply not an issue at all.
It sounds like your point is that you can only process one thing at a time, some of us can process multiple issues.
originally posted by: alldaylong
a reply to: EternalShadow
"Anniversary" denotes a celebration, what's to celebrate?
Definition of the word " Anniversary "
the annual recurrence of a date marking a notable event
www.merriam-webster.com...
originally posted by: EternalShadow
No, 'focus' being the keyword. One issue at a time, WORK THAT ISSUE TO COMPLETION, otherwise it's just drama.
originally posted by: EternalShadow
originally posted by: alldaylong
a reply to: EternalShadow
"Anniversary" denotes a celebration, what's to celebrate?
Definition of the word " Anniversary "
the annual recurrence of a date marking a notable event
www.merriam-webster.com...
You left out:
2 : the celebration of an anniversary
That is why I said denotes rather than defines.