Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s remarks and answers to media questions following talks with Foreign Minister of Turkey Mevlut Cavusoglu and
Foreign Minister of Ukraine Dmitry Kuleba, Antalya, March 10, 2022
10 March 2022 22:12
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Question:
Russia has used a lot of different words to justify the invasion of Ukraine. You’ve said that it’s for the Ukrainian people. But how can you
possibly justify the bombing of a maternity ward and a children’s hospital? Do you agree with President Zelensky that it is an atrocity – to
target pregnant mothers and children is, in fact, an atrocity? And also, for the Russian people themselves, today Russia faces a $40 billion default.
That’s worse than we’ve seen in the Russian economy since 1917, in the Bolshevik revolution. How will you justify it to the people at home, that
you’ve wrecked their economy for an invasion that, frankly, the rest of the world does not believe should be happening?
Sergey Lavrov:
Regarding the maternity hospital, we have heard an emotionally charged outcry over the so-called “atrocities” allegedly committed by the Russian
armed forces. Three days ago, on March 7, our delegation at the UN Security Council meeting provided facts to prove that this maternity hospital had
been taken over by the far-right Azov battalion, who ordered all pregnant women, medical nurses and other personnel out of the building. You can draw
your own conclusions about the manipulation of public opinion around the world.
I have seen reports by your network and other Western media today. They are very emotional. Regrettably, no attention is being given to the other
side, which would have allowed people to have an objective view of the situation.
As for the Russian economy, well, we will take care of it ourselves. The President and the Government are working on this now. You have said that we
are using a lot of different words to justify our actions in Ukraine. We had been trying for years to draw attention to the turning of Ukraine into
“anti-Russia.” Since the early 2000s, the West openly demanded before every election that Ukraine make a choice between the West and Russia. That
is, you are either with us, or against us. Is this the Western values that were being forced on the Ukrainian people?
We have also seen other things. When a pro-Western candidate got the smallest number of votes, as it happened in 2009, the West forced the Ukrainian
Constitutional Court to adopt a decision on the third round of voting, in violation of the Constitution of Ukraine. There were a lot of such
manipulations in those “best years.” Ukraine was being consistently turned into a pro-Western instrument for Western experiments. Ultimately, NATO
demanded that Ukraine must be free to join the bloc, naval bases were being established in Ukraine, and the deployment of missiles, which were a
direct threat to the Russian Federation, was discussed. It has now turned out that military biological laboratories were operating there secretly from
the public in Ukraine and the rest of the world. When it was suggested that Ukraine should abandon its non-nuclear status, we appealed to the reason
and conscience of our Western partners and urged them to coordinate security principles for Europe.
They replied that any issue could be discussed but that we should back off from the matter of NATO’s expansion. They would decide it without us. We
should not worry because NATO’s expansion would not affect our security. Why should NATO make decisions on issues of our security and our security
interests? This won’t do. Russia won’t be spoken to like that. We are not going to justify our actions in Ukraine. Their goals are perfectly
clear: we don’t want the militarisation of Ukraine, whether it is or isn’t a member of NATO, because US [missile] systems targeting our territory
can be deployed there without NATO. We don’t want Ukraine to become a neo-Nazi state where battalions wearing SS stripes march before the President
of Ukraine, and where these militants are trained to stage terrorist attacks. We want Ukraine to be a neutral state. President Putin said on numerous
occasions that while insisting on NATO’s non-expansion we are not going to overlook the security interests of the Ukrainian nation. We are ready to
discuss security guarantees for Ukraine together with security guarantees for European countries and Russia. Judging by the recent statements made by
President Zelensky, awareness of this approach is growing, which inspires a certain amount of optimism.
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Question:
You said some time ago that Russia had no intention to invade Ukraine. I think today you said that Russia did not invade Ukraine, when it clearly has.
You’ve also said that Russia would not hurt civilians, and thousands have been hurt, homes destroyed, and it seems that hospitals are being
attacked. Why should the Ukrainians take you seriously, with all due respect? Why should they, and the rest of the world, believe a word you say?
Sergey Lavrov:
I have mentioned hospitals and maternity homes, but you are not listening. This will never be shown and not a single Western media outlet will report
that we explained at the UN Security Council three days ago what had happened to that maternity hospital.
As for the claims about who will do what or who will not do what, we wanted to solve this problem diplomatically until the last moment. We presented a
detailed document about the Russian-US bilateral agreement and a draft Russia-NATO agreement on all the key European security issues, which takes into
account the security interests of all countries without exception, including Ukraine. We were told that Ukraine was “theirs,” that they would
decide Ukraine’s fate together with Ukraine, and that they would do as they pleased. They have also rejected many other Russian suggestions,
including one on preventing physical land-based threats to the Russian Federation. President of Russia Vladimir Putin has made it clear why he has
taken the decision to launch a special military operation. I hope that you (even if you will not be allowed to communicate this to your listeners and
viewers) will be able to read the Russian document personally and understand our logic. It is explained there. We would like to see a Ukraine that is
friendly, demilitarised, and immune to the danger of the creation of yet another Nazi state, a Ukraine that will not ban the Russian language, Russian
culture, and the Russian Orthodox Church. Regrettably, all of this has been done and is reflected in law. All our admonitions during the eight years
since the coup in Kiev and our appeals to our Western colleagues that they should bring the Ukrainian authorities to their senses have run against a
dead wall of silence. Take, for example, the most obvious things regarding the Russian language.
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