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Originally posted by Xcathdra
reply to post by byteshertz
Link your source for disturbing the peace please.
A private strucure that is open and accesible to the public - Mall, Hospital, Amusement park, Grocery Store, Walmart, Wendys etc etc etc. including Cheneys speech interuptions all meet requirements for disturbing the peace.
Again I urge you to please learn the law and its application. I salute your effort, but its going to get you in trouble and you are going to understand why.
Originally posted by aptness
quote]While provisions of treaties are incorporated into federal law, by amending or changing the federal law, you are not changing the treaty, its meaning or conditions. Otherwise treaties would be meaningless, as individual states could then unilaterally redefine treaties by changing or amending their domestic laws. This is not tenable.
....There is no clear agreement regarding precisely which norms are jus cogens nor how a norm reaches that status, but it is generally accepted that jus cogens includes the prohibition of genocide, maritime piracy, slaving in general (to include slavery as well as the slave trade), torture, and wars of aggression and territorial aggrandizement.
Originally posted by aptness
Originally posted by aptness
And under your rationale, if governments declared other governments illegitimate then they could attack those respective countries without being bound by any laws or treaties because that country’s government was illegitimate.
Originally posted by aptness
Yes, they have. I never contested otherwise, nor would any thinking person.
Originally posted by aptness
Did the Bush administration invoke this argument?
Originally posted by aptness
Yes they did. From the opinion (pp. 73-74)—
Originally posted by aptness
From the opinion (p. 10)—
Are you arguing that the provision regarding the tribunals — GC Art. 3(d) — apply but that others, in the same Article, do not?
For the reasons that follow, we conclude that the military commission convened to try Hamdan lacks power to proceed because its structure and procedures violate both the UCMJ and the Geneva Conventions.
Originally posted by aptness
Let’s look at US law — your favorite — to see what the United States understands as violations of the Conventions and Article - I am aware of what is says, since I am the one who linked and cited it.
and again, you are leaving out the Military Comission Act of 2006 - Regardless of your arguments and cited sources, you are avoiding the fact the act fixes the issues the USSC pointed out as thei reason for overturning the DC court.
Your cited sources are augmented / modified / changed by case law since the war started in 2001. In addition to MCA06, which placed detainees back under military control, it accepted as legal the other changes it origionally rejected. Had the Court disgareed, then they could have exercised Judicial review on the MCA06, which they did not.
As far as the argument on toruture goes -
Torture Memos
This is the legal exchange between White House Council and the US Attorneys General Office with regards to enhanced interrogation techniques and how it applies.
Also, your argument is based solely on military action. The CIA is the one repsonsible for carrying out the interrogations, not military.
Originally posted by aptness
Addressing the portion I underlined: Yeah, the President has the ‘ability’ to authorize CIA officials to use “enhanced interrogation techniques,” but that means absolutely nothing in regards to the legality of those techniques.
Check Rasul vs. Rumsfeld
Originally posted by aptness
Which one is it? Are they legal or are they violations?
No.. I am saying that the people who called them war criminals are not going to speaking engagement s by Obama, Gates or Biden to scream the same thing, since they are continuing where Bush and gang left off. My irritation is not because they called them war criminals. My irritation is their double standard on the issue, which is to be offended by the actions Bush started, while ignoring them when it comes to Obama and his administrations actions.
To me it speaks volumes.. These protesters are not upset because people were subjected to torure. To them its a political issue. If it werent, then they would be protesting at all government functions. Instead they choose bush and gang, and only when media is going to be present.
Originally posted by aptness
The question is not whether it is “less lethal,” the question is whether it is legal.
Fair observation - we need to go back and explore the torture memos in addition with the Supreme Court rulings that extended qulified immunity to the people involved.
Originally posted by aptness
Rape is “a whole less lethal” than, for instance, execution. Could President Bush or Obama order al Qaeda detainees to be raped? If your answer is no, why not?
Nope - because the Bush administration reviewed in depth what techniques could be used on detainees, consulting white house council and the AG's office, with the result of those dicussions being employed, and then reviewed by the Supreme Court where they were upheld.
Bush did not seek clarification on rape, or even execution, but limited the scope to a few interrogation techniques.
Originally posted by aptness
Xcathdra, the fact that I have not, apparently, expressed my opinion frequently enough, in regards to those points, to your satisfaction, is something you are going to have to either accept or get over.
You have not sir. please point out in threads covering this type of issue where you have taken any other than the US to task over violations of any Un treaty / International Law. Your response here is contrary to your argument that you have not because you only concentrate on the US Government, that its your only concern.
The goal of these treaties, as ive said many times before, is designed to prevent the action before it happens, not after the fact. Holding the US accountible, which I am all for, does nothing to fix the over all problem when we ignore the rest of the world.
Concentrating on just one country does not fix the issue, and ignoring the other countries does nothing but encourage the behavior.
Originally posted by aptness
First, I don’t need to condemn or point out anything to be against it. Second, I have condemned both situations you mention. And lastly, and with all due respect, I don’t owe you any satisfactions.
i am not looking for satisfaction in the least bit. You have not taken others to task over this issue, and concentrate solely on the US and her actions. You have not condemend any action other than those of the US, to the extent of citing court cases that support your argument, while ignoring anything beyond it that does not support your argument.
I find it unusual that you have such strong positions on this topic, while ignoring those positions when it comes to any country other than the US.
Originally posted by aptness
Even if I was in agreement with al Qaeda’s methods, or Obama’s policies — which I’m not — while I would be, perhaps, guilty of hypocrisy, the things that happened under Bush, or are happening under Obama, would still be illegal.
From a moral aspect, i completely agree. From a legal aspect, the Supreme Court disagrees wtih you. To go further though, why continually call out Bush, who is not even President, while ignoring Obama. This is the argument people make, which again is why i feel that its based on politics only, and not actual disregard for human life.
Originally posted by aptness
My opinion or my actions, or lack thereof, have absolutely no influence over the legality of the policies we are debating here. I have debated this with you, for a while now, on the understanding that we were doing so based on our individual interpretations of the law, not on a principle of partisanship or support for one group’s or one person’s policies.
i disagree with the comment about actions not having any influence. Its only when people like you, who are outspoken and firm in you convictions and beliefs, who can make an argument, even in front of the media, and do so in such a way that it brings the subject to the surface without any drama that would take away from that very argument.
As for the rest of your comment, since we are both citizens of this country and we both vote our opinions and views are important and do matter.
Originally posted by aptness
I’m not interested otherwise, not only because it’s of no relevance to the legal questions, but I would consider it to be a waste of time. There is enough partisan bickering on ATS as it is.
i agree with the partisan issue here on ats. As fas as our debate and free exchange of ideas, you never know what can come of that. a person somewhere who is in a position to make changes could very well stumble across this site, and find these debates, and see something from a different perspective that has an impact, causing the person to act.
After all its one of the things that has had an impact on law in this country for hundreds of years. Some clerk in the Supreme Court, researching cases for a justice, who comes across a case from back in the day with the extrordinary dissenting opinion that, while irrelevant when it was drafted, is releveant now and changes the course of history.edit on 15-2-2011 by Xcathdra because: (no reason given)
Of course treaties can be changed, that was never my point. My point was that treaties can’t be changed unilaterally, especially through changing or amending one party’s domestic law.
Originally posted by Xcathdra
Actually almost all tretaies have the ability to be changed by one country, and there are various protocols in place for that to occur, from a signing reservation, to amending between 2 of the signatories, etc.
You should just come out and say you support torture. In this instance as used by the United States, of course.
The last phrase of that being critical - no clear agreement..... generally accepted..
Its not an absolute, which is why I poiinted it out. If it were, it would not use terminaology like no clear agreement, generally accepted.
Self-defense right is irrespective of the legitimacy of the government who initiated the attack. It’s pointless to bring up Article 51 of the UN Charter to justify, particularly, the US invasion of Iraq — Iraq didn’t attack the United States.
Your argument is now taking the opposite side, which is a country acting unilaterally with absolutely no justification, which is not the case at all. It also ignores UN CHarter for self defense, since your response is so broad.
It wasn’t an ‘argument,’ it was a decision. A legally binding decision, as are all Supreme Court decisions.
The Military Comissions Act of 2006 corrected the argument the Supreme Court made.
So if no provisions of the Conventions were incorporated in the UCMJ, the Conventions didn’t apply at all?
I am saying the part of that argument you keep seizing on is the Supreme Court stating Geneva 3 applies, because its built into the UCMJ.
Did the Congress of the United States, through the Acts change the Geneva Conventions?
The Tribunals Bush wanted changed that process, and only Congress can make changes to the UCMJ - which was thei ruling. and again, the Military comission Act of 2006, the law you ignore or discount, replaces the courts decision.
Because that was the question before them. And what laws did they say the tribunals violated? The UCMJ and Article 3 of the Conventions.
The Supreme Court did not rule on enemy combatants, the geneva convention etc. Their main focus was the argument the tribunals Bush setup were in violation of law, and the court agreed.
The violations weren’t to the UCMJ solely but also to Article 3 of the Conventions.
The violation did not come from the GEneva Convention itself, but again the argument the PResident does not have any legal authority to change the UCMJ or military protocol.
We’ve all understood by now that the President of the United States and his appointed lawyers are the only authority you accept as legitimate on questions of legality of their own actions.
As far as the argument on toruture goes -
Torture Memos
This is the legal exchange between White House Council and the US Attorneys General Office with regards to enhanced interrogation techniques and how it applies.
My argument is based on the fact that the Bush administration ordered people to be tortured. The nature of these orders doesn’t change whether it was the military or the CIA carrying them out.
Also, your argument is based solely on military action. The CIA is the one repsonsible for carrying out the interrogations, not military.
So if the President had ordered rape, and the Office of Legal Counsel had signed off on it, it was A-OK.
Originally posted by aptness
Rape is “a whole less lethal” than, for instance, execution. Could President Bush or Obama order al Qaeda detainees to be raped? If your answer is no, why not?
Nope - because the Bush administration reviewed in depth what techniques could be used on detainees, consulting white house council and the AG's office, with the result of those dicussions being employed, and then reviewed by the Supreme Court where they were upheld.
I’m flattered that my opinion and participation on ATS is of concern to you, but, again, it is irrelevant to the legal questions at hand.
You have not sir. please point out in threads covering this type of issue where you have taken any other than the US to task over violations of any Un treaty / International Law. Your response here is contrary to your argument that you have not because you only concentrate on the US Government, that its your only concern.
Please cite the articles of the Conventions that “say torture is possible.”
Originally posted by Xcathdra
The 3rd Geneva convetions says if you violate the rules, you are not protected by them. It also says torture / execution are possible, and its neither condoned or condmned.
Is torture a crime under US law?
While I understand why you invoked Federal Statute on torture, you need, again, to read the military comission act of 2006, which modifies that statute.
... Or perhaps the things Bush ordered — and admitted so, unapologetically, in his book and on TV appearances — are so obviously illegal that only people in denial, like Mr. Bush or yourself, believe otherwise.
When a prosecutor comes out and blatantly says Bush is guilty, it makes one wonder exactly how blind justice is in this case.
What I want is those guilty of violations, be it of US or international law, who have acted in the name of my country to be punished according to the law. If the relevant US authorities refuse to do so, I hope others in the international community have more respect for the rule of law than Bush or Obama.
If you want UN sovereignty, its all yours. Just make sure you take it with you when you leave the country.
Originally posted by aptness
Please cite the articles of the Conventions that “say torture is possible.
Originally posted by aptness
Is torture a crime under US law?
Originally posted by aptness
I asked you if Bush could have ordered the detainees to be raped, and you didn’t answer — you said, only, that rape wasn’t considered. I reiterate the question: could have Bush, or any President, ordered the detainees to be raped? And why?
Originally posted by aptness
Or perhaps the things Bush ordered — and admitted so, unapologetically, in his book and on TV appearances — are so obviously illegal that only people in denial, like Mr. Bush or yourself, believe otherwise.
Originally posted by aptness
What I want is those guilty of violations, be it of US or international law, who have acted in the name of my country to be punished according to the law. If the relevant US authorities refuse to do so, I hope others in the international community have more respect for the rule of law than Bush or Obama.
Originally posted by aptness
If failing to unconditionally support, and cheer, the policies of a US President, and wanting to see the guilty punished according to the law, makes me in your eyes unworthy to live in the country, I am glad it’s not up to you who gets to stay and who goes.
No you haven’t because no Geneva Convention permits torture, regardless of the classification of a prisoner.
Originally posted by Xcathdra
I already have, in a few posts now in this thread. Go back and read.
Congress cannot redefine what constitutes torture in an international treaty by amending domestic law.
Sure is.. However the MCA06 defined what that was, and enhanced interrigation techniques dont meet the criteria.
JOINT STATEMENT OF SENATORS McCAIN, WARNER, AND GRAHAM ON INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS UNDER THE GENEVA CONVENTIONS
September 28, 2006
Mr. President, we are submitting this statement into the record because it has been suggested by some that this legislation would prohibit litigants from raising alleged violations of the Geneva Conventions. This suggestion is misleading on three counts.
First, it presumes that individuals currently have a private right of action under Geneva. Secondly, it implies that the Congress is restricting individuals from raising claims that the Geneva Conventions have been violated as a collateral matter once they have an independent cause of action. Finally, this legislation would not stop in any way a court from exercising any power it has to consider the United States’ obligations under the Geneva Conventions, regardless of what litigants say or do not say in the documents that they file with the court.
The Supreme Court’s decision in Hamdan left untouched the widely-held view that the Geneva Conventions provide no private rights of action to individuals. And, in fact, the majority in Hamdan suggested that the Geneva Conventions do not afford individuals private rights of action, although it did not need to reach that question in its decision. This view has been underscored by judicial precedent – and even Salim Hamdan himself did not claim in his court filings that he had a private right of action under Geneva.
Still, this legislation would not bar individuals from raising to our Federal courts in their pleadings any allegation that a provision of the Geneva Conventions – or, for that matter, any other treaty obligation that has the force of law – has been violated. It is not the intent of Congress to dictate what can or cannot be said by litigants in any case.
By the same token, this legislation explicitly reserves untouched the constitutional functions and responsibilities of the judicial branch of the United States. Accordingly, when Congress says that the President can interpret the meaning of Geneva, it is merely reasserting a longstanding constitutional principle. Congress does not intend with this legislation to prohibit the Federal courts from considering whether the obligations of the United States under any treaty have been met. To paraphrase an opinion written by Chief Justice Roberts recently, if treaties are to be given effect as Federal law under our legal system, determining their meaning as a matter of Federal law is the province and duty of the judiciary headed by the Supreme Court. So, though the President certainly has the constitutional authority to interpret our Nation’s treaty obligations, such interpretation is subject to judicial review. It is not the intent of Congress to infringe on any constitutional power of the Federal bench, a co-equal branch of government.
Most importantly, the lack of judicial enforceability through a private right of action has absolutely no bearing on whether Geneva is binding on the Executive branch. Even if the Geneva Conventions are not enforceable by individuals in our Nation’s courts, the President and his subordinates are bound to comply with Geneva, a set of treaty obligations that forms part of our American jurisprudence. That is clear to us and to all who have negotiated this legislation in good faith.
Also you need to quit with the personal attacks.
• 1948 UN Genocide Convention (129).
• 1949 The four 1949 Geneva Conventions (188). These seek to protect four categories of victims under the power of the enemy: wounded and sick on land; wounded, sick, and shipwrecked at sea; POWs; and civilians.
• 1954 Hague Cultural Property Convention (95). Two protocols, concluded in 1954 and 1999, address the export of cultural property from occupied territory, and measures to improve implementation of the convention's provisions in civil as well as international wars.
• 1976 UN Convention on the Prohibition of Military Use of Environmental Modification Techniques (65).
• 1977 Protocol I Additional to the 1949 Conventions, and Relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts (155).
• 1977 Protocol II Additional to the 1949 Conventions, and Relating to the Protection of Victims of Non-international Armed Conflicts (148).
• 1980 UN Convention on Prohibitions or Restrictions of the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons (73). The Protocols annexed to the Convention (including two adopted in 1995 and 1996) address non-detectable fragments, landmines, incendiary weapons, and blinding laser weapons.
• 1997 Ottawa Convention Prohibiting the Use, Stockpiling, Production, and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines (84).
• 1998 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (4). Articles 5 to 8 contain an important summary of the crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes.
- The above is pretty straight forward and easy to read and understand
During conflict, punishment for violating the laws of war may consist of a specific, deliberate and limited violation of the laws of war in reprisal.
Recap - Violate the laws of war, and you lose the status afforded as a POW. So you loose the protection of the Geneva Conventions (prescribes what a POW / Enemy Combatant / Terrorist / Spy is), with the exception of how the illegal actions are to be dealt with.
Soldiers who break specific provisions of the laws of war lose the protections and status afforded as prisoners of war, but only after facing a "competent tribunal" (GC III Art 5). At that point they become an unlawful combatant but they must still be "treated with humanity and, in case of trial, shall not be deprived of the rights of fair and regular trial", because they are still covered by GC IV Art 5.
Spies and terrorists may be subject to civilian law or military tribunal for their acts and in practice have been subjected to torture and/or execution. The laws of war neither approve nor condemn such acts, which fall outside their scope.
- The info above is included in my posts / replies in this thread as well as others. I went ahead and made the font size large, and added the red so you cant ignore the info.
Citizens and soldiers of nations which have not signed the Fourth Geneva Convention are also not protected by it (Article 4: "Nationals of a State which is not bound by the Convention are not protected by it".), whether they are spies or terrorists. Also, citizens and soldiers of nations which have not signed and do not abide by the Third and Fourth Geneva Conventions are not protected by them. (Common Article 2).
- As I have stated many times that you choose to ignore.
American law is that international accords become part of the body of U.S. federal law.
- As I have stated many times that you choose to ignore.
As a result, Congress can modify or repeal treaties by subsequent legislative action, even if this amounts to a violation of the treaty under international law.
Additionally, an international accord that is inconsistent with the U.S. Constitution is void under domestic U.S. law, the same as any other federal law in conflict with the Constitution. This principle was most clearly established in the case of Reid vs. Covert. The Supreme Court could rule an Article II treaty provision to be unconstitutional and void under domestic law, although it has not yet done so.
Let’s see—
(1) you are claiming my motives are purely political (“your argument is based on your hatred of Bush and nothing else”);
(2) you claimed that, under — a distorted representation of — my argument, sharia law would be implemented in the United States (“I really have no desire to wake up under Sharia law because you want International Law to trump safety and common sense.”); and
(3) and told me to leave the country because, according to you, I “want UN sovereignty” (“If you want UN sovereignty, its all yours. Just make sure you take it with you when you leave the country.”)
And I am making personal attacks?
Xcathdra makes this vague claim that “not all countries are participants,” with the implication that “not all countries are bound by them,” but never once links to the list of signatories of the Conventions, or explains why this assertion he is making is important for this debate, but more importantly, he also doesn’t tell you that all the countries the United States is currently conducting military operations in are signatories to the Conventions (Afghanistan, Iraq, Pakistan, Yemen), as is, of course, the United States.
Originally posted by Xcathdra
Documents that make up the Rules of armed conflict are below. Not all countries are participants which means not all countries are bound by them.
Xcathdra makes the claim that the “3rd Geneva convention” doesn’t apply to “unlawful combatants,” information, he says, I ‘ignore,’ as if the only possible explanation for someone not agreeing with him is if they’re ‘ignoring’ the ‘facts.’
The 3rd Geneva convention is not applied to unlawful combatents, and offers no protection, as I have argued before that you ignore.
The ICRC continues—
Up to 1949, the Geneva Conventions were designed to assist only the victims of wars between States. The principle of respect for human personality, the basis on which all the Conventions rest, had found expression in them only in its application to military personnel. Actually, however, it was concerned with people as human beings, without regard to their uniform, their allegiance, their race or their beliefs, without regard even to any obligations which the authority on which they depended might have assumed in their name or in their behalf.
The ICRC goes on to add—
Does this mean that Article 3 is not applicable in cases where armed strife breaks out in a country, but does not fulfil any of the above conditions? We do not subscribe to this view. We think, on the contrary, that the scope of application of the Article must be as wide as possible. There can be no drawbacks in this, since the Article in its reduced form, contrary to what might be thought, does not in any way limit the right of a State to put down rebellion, nor does it increase in the slightest the authority of the rebel party. It merely demands respect for certain rules, which were already recognized as essential in all civilized countries, and embodied in the national legislation of the States in question, long before the Convention was signed.
What Government would dare to claim before the world, in a case of civil disturbances which could justly be described as mere acts of banditry, that, Article 3 not being applicable, it was entitled to leave the wounded uncared for, to torture and mutilate prisoners and take hostages? No Government can object to observing, in its dealings with enemies, whatever the nature of the conflict between it and them, a few essential rules which it in fact observes daily, under its own laws, when dealing with common criminals.
It further goes on to say that—
Persons taking no active part in the hostilities, including members of armed forces who have laid down their arms and those placed hors de combat by sickness, wounds, detention, or any other cause, shall in all circumstances be treated humanely, without any adverse distinction founded on race, colour, religion or faith, sex, birth or wealth, or any other similar criteria.
To this end the following acts are and shall remain prohibited at any time and in any place whatsoever with respect to the above-mentioned persons:
(a) violence to life and person, in particular murder of all kinds, mutilation, cruel treatment and torture;
(b) taking of hostages;
(c) outrages upon personal dignity, in particular, humiliating and degrading treatment;
(d) the passing of sentences and the carrying out of executions without previous judgment pronounced by a regularly constituted court affording all the judicial guarantees which are recognized as indispensable by civilized peoples.
The Court responds to this argument by saying that, irrespective of al Qaeda being a signatory or not, there is one provision of the Conventions that applies (Article 3)—
Since Hamdan was captured and detained incident to the conflict with al Qaeda and not the conflict with the Taliban, and since al Qaeda, unlike Afghanistan, is not a “High Contracting Party”—i.e., a signatory of the Conventions, the protections of those Conventions are not, it is argued [by the government], applicable to Hamdan.
The Court goes on to explain that Article 3 applies because the conflict is occurring in the territory of a signatory (Afghanistan)—
We need not decide the merits of this argument [that al Qaeda is not a signatory] because there is at least one provision of the Geneva Conventions that applies here even if the relevant conflict is not one between signatories.
Article 3, often referred to as Common Article 3 because, like Article 2, it appears in all four Geneva Conventions, provides that in a “conflict not of an international character occurring in the territory of one of the High Contracting Parties [signatories], each Party to the conflict shall be bound to apply, as a minimum,” certain provisions protecting “[p]ersons taking no active part in the hostilities, including members of armed forces who have laid down their arms and those placed hors de combat by ... detention.”
The obligation resting on the Party to the conflict which represents established authority is not open to question. The mere fact of the legality of a Government involved in an internal conflict suffices to bind that Government as a Contracting Party to the Convention. On the other hand, what justification is there for the obligation on the adverse Party in revolt against the established authority? Doubts have been expressed on this subject. How could insurgents be legally bound by a Convention which they had not themselves signed? But if the responsible authority at their head exercises effective sovereignty, it is bound by the very fact that it claims to represent the country, or part of the country. The "authority" in question can only free itself from its obligations under the Convention by following the procedure for denunciation laid down in Article 142 (14).
Justice Kennedy, concurring with the majority, further emphasizes the significance of this fact (at p. 89)—
The Court is correct to concentrate on one provision of the law of war that is applicable to our Nation’s armed conflict with al Qaeda in Afghanistan and, as a result, to the use of a military commission to try Hamdan. That provision is Common Article 3 of the four Geneva Conventions of 1949.
By Act of Congress, moreover, violations of Common Article 3 are considered “war crimes,” punishable as federal offenses, when committed by or against United States nationals and military personnel.
The commentary goes on to elaborate—
The definition of protected persons in paragraph 1 is a very broad one which includes members of the armed forces -- fit for service, wounded, sick or shipwrecked -- who fall into enemy hands. The treatment which such persons are to receive is laid down in special Conventions to which the provision refers. They must be treated as prescribed in the texts which concern them. But if, for some reason, prisoner of war status -- to take one example -- were denied to them, they would become protected persons under the present Convention. [4th Geneva Convention]
Members of resistance movements must fulfil certain stated conditions before they can be regarded as prisoners of war. If members of a resistance movement who have fallen in to enemy hands do not fulfil those conditions, they must be considered to be protected persons within the meaning of the present Convention. [4th Geneva Convention]
In short, all the particular cases we have just been considering confirm a general principle which is embodied in all four Geneva Conventions of 1949. Every person in enemy hands must have some status under international law: he is either a prisoner of war and, as such, covered by the Third Convention, a civilian covered by the Fourth Convention, or again, a member of the medical personnel of the armed forces who is covered by the First Convention. There is no intermediate status; nobody in enemy hands can be outside the law.
Xcathdra claims I am ignorant of “federal law and international law,” but as we have seen, both the Supreme Court, the highest court in the United States, as well as the International Committee of the Red Cross, the highest authority when it comes to the Conventions, say that Article 3 applies to the detainees of the “war on terror,” and that nobody can be outside the law.
You understand my profession and the manner I do my job with the same ignorance and zeal that you understand Federal Law and International Law, which is to say you dont have a clue.
The rest of Xcathdra’s post, as evidenced here, is on the level of a “he started it” excuse children invoke, to justify his personal attacks, and are a rehash of the same personal accusations he has made numerous times before, namely, that my position and my argument are based on strictly political motivations, and that they would lead to the implementation of sharia law in the United States.
The examples you pointed out above occured because you would not stop the personal attacks
Respectful members,
I would like to alert you to the following incorrections and distortions posted by member Xcathdra in his last post:
Originally posted by mishigas
reply to post by aptness
Respectful members,
I would like to alert you to the following incorrections and distortions posted by member Xcathdra in his last post:
To be honest, both of you are becoming quite tedious in this thread. Please take your pissing contest out back, away from the rest of us. Or get a room or something!
This thread must have set some crappy record for long, long posts from the two of you. Seriously, it has become very tiresome seeing those mega-replies to each other.
Thank you.edit on 17-2-2011 by mishigas because: (no reason given)
Recap - Violate the laws of war, and you lose the status afforded as a POW. So you loose the protection of the Geneva Conventions (prescribes what a POW / Enemy Combatant / Terrorist / Spy is), with the exception of how the illegal actions are to be dealt with.
Taliban / Al Queida actions and status:
A - Not part of any treaties, agreements, International laws etc
B - Do not meet any requirement under the Geneva Convention to be considered anything but an irregular force.
C - Constantly violate the terms of those conventions by their actions towards civilians (human shields / reprisal)
D - The manner in which they conduct combat operations from protected / off limit areas (Hsopitals/Schools/mosque)
Originally posted by aptness
Please cite the articles of the Conventions that “say torture is possible.”
Originally posted by Xcathdra
The 3rd Geneva convetions says if you violate the rules, you are not protected by them. It also says torture / execution are possible, and its neither condoned or condmned.
Is torture a crime under US law?
While I understand why you invoked Federal Statute on torture, you need, again, to read the military comission act of 2006, which modifies that statute.
...
edit on 15-2-2011 by aptness because: (no reason given)