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updated 1 hour, 16 minutes ago
TEHRAN, Iran (CNN) -- Security forces wielding clubs and firing weapons beat back demonstrators who flocked to a Tehran square Wednesday to continue protests, with one witness saying security forces beat people like "animals."
At least two sources described wild and violent conditions at a part of Tehran where protesters had planned to demonstrate.
"They were waiting for us," the source said. "They all have guns and riot uniforms. It was like a mouse trap."
"I see many people with broken arms, legs, heads -- blood everywhere -- pepper gas like war," the source said.
About "500 thugs" with clubs came out of a mosque and attacked people in the square, another source said.
The security forces were "beating women madly" and "killing people like hell," the source said.
"They beat up a woman so bad, she was all bloody," the source said in a description that underscores the growing and central role of women in the uprising.
Originally posted by Walkswithfish
CNN just had a live phone call from a frantic young lady in Iran as she described chaos, you could hear it in the background, she described people being shot, beaten and she claims to have witnessed Iranian forces "throwing people (protesters) off of a bridge"
If you can tune in do it now, they are replaying the call, and discussing it.
Originally posted by coolieno99
reply to post by rationaluser
On similiar line of thinking, if the Iranian military and police don't side with the protestors, the revolution will failed.
Originally posted by coolieno99
if the Iranian military and police don't side with the protestors, the revolution will failed.
Originally posted by mmiichael
Originally posted by coolieno99
if the Iranian military and police don't side with the protestors, the revolution will failed.
This is Tiananmen Square not the Russian Revolution.
Students and professional class, a wealthy educated elite almost exclusively in North Tehran, are the activists.
Little follow up in other parts of the city or even Tehran.
No walkouts, no strikes, no real support from any profession, class, institution, anywhere in the country.
So the government is given a golden opportunity to arrest or photograph people in the country they would consider trouble makers.
Unfortunately it will all die down soon.
Maybe the first baby steps, but no revolution.
Mike
[edit on 25-6-2009 by mmiichael]
GWEN IFILL: Apparently absent from the unrest continuing in the streets of Tehran these last few days was the man whose declared electoral defeat started it all, Mir Hossein Mousavi.
His wife, Zahra Rahnavard, is a prominent academic who campaigned with her husband, an unprecedented step in Iranian politics. Today, she issued a statement calling for the release of those who have been arrested.
Together, they are the face of the opposition. But who are they? For more, we turn to Haleh Esfandiari, the director of the Middle East program at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. In 2007, she was detained by the Iranian government for three months.
It's been 12 days since that election, Haleh Esfandiari. Are Mousavi and his wife now the face of the opposition?
HALEH ESFANDIARI, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars: Yes, they are. I think I would call them the accidental face of the opposition, because when Mousavi started running, he probably never thought that he would galvanize and mobilize such a huge number of people. And, you know, I believe his wife had a lot to do with this prominence of Mousavi, and she is by far more outspoken than he is.
GWEN IFILL: How is that there has been room for her to be so outspoken in a country that's so seen by Westerners as being kind of repressive when it comes to women's rights?
HALEH ESFANDIARI: She made room for herself. She just walked in -- or walked out of Tehran University hand in hand with her husband, and that was a first. She was the first president of a university, of a women university in Tehran. She's been an academic, a scholar, an outspoken advocate for women's rights.
GWEN IFILL: I gather you have actually met?
HOOMAN MAJD, Author-Journalist: Yes, yes. And I saw her about, I guess, 10, 12 days before the election itself.
And I was at the first rally that she -- the first rally of the campaign, May 23rd, which former President Khatami attended, and actually Mousavi himself didn't attend, but his wife did. And she spoke, and she gave a rousing speech and got an incredible standing ovation and people screaming for her.
She really did become, as Haleh pointed out, a real -- kind of, in a way, she was the face of the campaign for a while, more so than Mousavi himself.
GWEN IFILL: Was that anyone's intention? Was it an intention in any way for her to seemingly overshadow him? And what does that mean now?
HOOMAN MAJD: I don't think it was the intention. I think it happened, and Mousavi, I think, went along with it quite happily. I don't think he was unhappy about it.
He seems to have been, certainly, you know, encouraged her to be as vocal as she wanted to be. She was very, very vocal when I saw her, saying all kinds of things, like that her Islam doesn't allow for the government to impose its views on the people, things like that, which have never been said by any candidate today ever.
So what does this say about Mousavi? Is he now kind of absent? I want to ask you to follow up on something Haleh said. Do you think he was the accidental face?
GWEN IFILL: And today she used terms like "martial law" to describe what's going on, on the streets.
HALEH ESFANDIARI: Yes.
GWEN IFILL: So what does this say about Mousavi? Is he now kind of absent? I want to ask you to follow up on something Haleh said. Do you think he was the accidental face?
I think it was -- yes, I do. One person in Tehran told me, after the first huge demonstration, and Mousavi attending that 3 million person demonstration, he said to me, "He's probably sitting at home going (speaking Farsi) which in Farsi means, 'My god, what a mistake I made. Why did I get myself into this?'"
I think that was kind of a half of a joke. It was -- he was being half-serious there. I think there might be a little bit of that. There was a little bit of that. It was like, "Oh, my god, what have I unleashed here?"
Because I don't think there was ever the intention on Mir Hossein Mousavi's part to become this symbol, a revolutionary symbol that he has turned into in Iran.
GWEN IFILL: He didn't expect this uprising, at least?
HOOMAN MAJD: No, not to the scale that it's been.
And, you know, one thing to remember about all this and when we start talking about revolution, "revolution" is perhaps too strong of a word, because let's not forget that, even if we assume that Mousavi won this election, even if we assume that, by as large a margin as is claimed that Ahmadinejad won, that still puts 35 percent of the people with Ahmadinejad, and that's a large number of people.
As the Association of Combatant Clergy, which represents more liberal mullahs in Qom, said in a statement: “What sane mind believes that a peaceful movement of millions of informed people — including workers, shopkeepers, farmers, students, clergy and others — could be agents of a so-called enemy?”
I said the Islamic Republic has been weakened. Why? I see five principal factors. The first is that the supreme leader’s post — the apex of the structure conceived by the revolutionary leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini — has been undermined. The keystone of the arch is now loose.
Khamenei, far from an arbiter with a Prophet-like authority, has looked more like a ruthless infighter. His word has been defied. At night, from rooftops, I’ve even heard people call for his death. The unthinkable has occurred.
The second is that the hypocritical but effective contract that bound society has been broken. The regime never had active support from more than 20 percent of the population. But acquiescence was secured by using only highly targeted repression (leaving the majority free to go about its business), and by giving people a vote for the president every four years.
That’s over. Repression will be broad and ferocious in the coming months. The acquiescent have already become the angry. You can’t turn Iran into Burma: The resistance of a society this varied and savvy will be fierce.
The third is that a faction loyal to President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, fiercely nationalistic and mystically religious, has made a power grab so bold that fissures in the establishment have become canyons.
Members of this faction include Hassan Taeb, the leader of the Basiji militia; Saeed Jalili, the head of the National Security Council and chief nuclear negotiator; and Mojtaba Khamenei, the reclusive but influential son of the supreme leader.
They have their way for now, but the cost to Iran has been immense, and the rearguard action led by Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, a father of the revolution, and Mir Hussein Moussavi, the opposition leader, will be intense.
www.stratfor.com...
Successful revolutions have three phases. First, a strategically located single or limited segment of society begins vocally to express resentment, asserting itself in the streets of a major city, usually the capital. This segment is joined by other segments in the city and by segments elsewhere as the demonstration spreads to other cities and becomes more assertive, disruptive and potentially violent. As resistance to the regime spreads, the regime deploys its military and security forces. These forces, drawn from resisting social segments and isolated from the rest of society, turn on the regime, and stop following the regime’s orders. This is what happened to the Shah of Iran in 1979; it is also what happened in Russia in 1917 or in Romania in 1989.
Revolutions fail when no one joins the initial segment, meaning the initial demonstrators are the ones who find themselves socially isolated. When the demonstrations do not spread to other cities, the demonstrations either peter out or the regime brings in the security and military forces — who remain loyal to the regime and frequently personally hostile to the demonstrators — and use force to suppress the rising to the extent necessary. This is what happened in Tiananmen Square in China: The students who rose up were not joined by others. Military forces who were not only loyal to the regime but hostile to the students were brought in, and the students were crushed.
This is also what happened in Iran this week. The global media, obsessively focused on the initial demonstrators — who were supporters of Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s opponents — failed to notice that while large, the demonstrations primarily consisted of the same type of people demonstrating. Amid the breathless reporting on the demonstrations, reporters failed to notice that the uprising was not spreading to other classes and to other areas. In constantly interviewing English-speaking demonstrators, they failed to note just how many of the demonstrators spoke English and had smartphones. The media thus did not recognize these as the signs of a failing revolution.
[...]
critically, the protesters were not joined by any of the millions whose votes the protesters alleged were stolen. In a complete hijacking of the election by some 13 million votes by an extremely unpopular candidate, we would have expected to see the core of Mousavi’s supporters joined by others who had been disenfranchised. On last Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday, when the demonstrations were at their height, the millions of Mousavi voters should have made their appearance. They didn’t. We might assume that the security apparatus intimidated some, but surely more than just the Tehran professional and student classes possess civic courage. While appearing large, the demonstrations actually comprised a small fraction of society.
[...]
The Western media misunderstood this because they didn’t understand that Ahmadinejad does not speak for the clerics but against them, that many of the clerics were working for his defeat, and that Ahmadinejad has enormous pull in the country’s security apparatus. The reason Western media missed this is because they bought into the concept of the stolen election, therefore failing to see Ahmadinejad’s support and the widespread dissatisfaction with the old clerical elite. The Western media simply didn’t understand that the most traditional and pious segments of Iranian society support Ahmadinejad because he opposes the old ruling elite. Instead, they assumed this was like Prague or Budapest in 1989, with a broad-based uprising in favor of liberalism against an unpopular regime.
Originally posted by mmiichael
We in the West like to think we understand how Iranians feel and think feel by projecting our values into them. We get reinforcement that they want liberation form an culturally and economically repressive leadership. But the people we see in the streets who feel that need do not speak for all Iranians.
We see this in the fact that there is little if any indication of a mass uprising through every segment of society beyond the intellectual class who have constant access to Western media and values.
It may sound alien to us, but most people in still developing Asia take comfort in the notion that a forceful government and it's leaders are working in their interest to preserve their culture, religion, way of life. They believe their leadership when it is explained how the people are being protected from hostile foreign powers. They still remember a brutal unnecessary war with Iraq for 8 years.
Stratfor Geopolitical Analysis did an interesting analysis of the situation
clarifying what is the difference between a spontaneous uprising and a followed through revolution.
Mike
www.stratfor.com...
Successful revolutions have three phases. First, a strategically located single or limited segment of society begins vocally to express resentment, asserting itself in the streets of a major city, usually the capital. This segment is joined by other segments in the city and by segments elsewhere as the demonstration spreads to other cities and becomes more assertive, disruptive and potentially violent. As resistance to the regime spreads, the regime deploys its military and security forces. These forces, drawn from resisting social segments and isolated from the rest of society, turn on the regime, and stop following the regime’s orders. This is what happened to the Shah of Iran in 1979; it is also what happened in Russia in 1917 or in Romania in 1989.
Revolutions fail when no one joins the initial segment, meaning the initial demonstrators are the ones who find themselves socially isolated. When the demonstrations do not spread to other cities, the demonstrations either peter out or the regime brings in the security and military forces — who remain loyal to the regime and frequently personally hostile to the demonstrators — and use force to suppress the rising to the extent necessary. This is what happened in Tiananmen Square in China: The students who rose up were not joined by others. Military forces who were not only loyal to the regime but hostile to the students were brought in, and the students were crushed.
This is also what happened in Iran this week. The global media, obsessively focused on the initial demonstrators — who were supporters of Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s opponents — failed to notice that while large, the demonstrations primarily consisted of the same type of people demonstrating. Amid the breathless reporting on the demonstrations, reporters failed to notice that the uprising was not spreading to other classes and to other areas. In constantly interviewing English-speaking demonstrators, they failed to note just how many of the demonstrators spoke English and had smartphones. The media thus did not recognize these as the signs of a failing revolution.
[...]
critically, the protesters were not joined by any of the millions whose votes the protesters alleged were stolen. In a complete hijacking of the election by some 13 million votes by an extremely unpopular candidate, we would have expected to see the core of Mousavi’s supporters joined by others who had been disenfranchised. On last Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday, when the demonstrations were at their height, the millions of Mousavi voters should have made their appearance. They didn’t. We might assume that the security apparatus intimidated some, but surely more than just the Tehran professional and student classes possess civic courage. While appearing large, the demonstrations actually comprised a small fraction of society.
[...]
The Western media misunderstood this because they didn’t understand that Ahmadinejad does not speak for the clerics but against them, that many of the clerics were working for his defeat, and that Ahmadinejad has enormous pull in the country’s security apparatus. The reason Western media missed this is because they bought into the concept of the stolen election, therefore failing to see Ahmadinejad’s support and the widespread dissatisfaction with the old clerical elite. The Western media simply didn’t understand that the most traditional and pious segments of Iranian society support Ahmadinejad because he opposes the old ruling elite. Instead, they assumed this was like Prague or Budapest in 1989, with a broad-based uprising in favor of liberalism against an unpopular regime.
[edit on 25-6-2009 by mmiichael]
Originally posted by Chevalerous
Please my friend! don't be stupid now!
George Friedman & Stratfor is a Geopolitical/Business Intelligence service working connected with RAND Corporation and the American Military Industrial Complex! and Henry Kissinger and the rest of the American Elit
Among them you find Carlyle Group, Frank Carlucci and a lot of other suspected characters who were involved with PNAC etc!
Those guys are playmates with the Texan George Friedman!
Of course they deliver such analysis of the situation, they don't want a velvet revolution which would work against their interests!
They belong to the same falange as Kissinger who prefer a war solution instead to make profits for the Military Inudustrial Complex.
Man! WAKE UP!
Originally posted by DangerDeath
Stratfor analysis is typical brainwashing which claims that revolutions are "spontaneous" and basically helpless movements without initiative of its own.
This is just wishful thinking of the ruling elite. That it happened in Iran at this moment is because there were elections and stealing of votes was so obvious. The next like thing that happens somewhere else will initiate the same kind of response because the situation for a world wide revolution is ripe.
The ongoing manipulation of the elite is to present Iranian revolt as an isolated event. But, you see, clero-fascist can easily be translated into banker-fascist or pluto-fascist.
Oppressors can be multinational corporations, or once liberators who've become corrupted by power.