posted on Aug, 6 2005 @ 12:43 PM
Former foreign Secretary Robin Cook has died after collapsing. He collapsed while walking in the Scottish mountains. Recently, he has been a
vociferous opponent of Tony Blair's Iraq policy and he resigned from the Government on the advent of the war.
Former Cabinet minister Robin Cook has died after he collapsed while out hill walking, police have said.
It is believed that he was taken ill near the summit of Ben Stack, near an area known as Laxford Bridge in north-west Scotland.
Mr Cook, 59, was flown by helicopter to Raigmore Hospital in Inverness, and is understood to have received 40 minutes of resuscitation en route.
news.bbc.co.uk... Please visit the link provided for the complete story.
I hate to speculate but it sounds like a heart attack. He was a man who has gained considerable credibility in the UK over the last 2 and a half
years.
He'll be sadly missed. I for one hoped that he might again attain high office even perhaps Prime Minister.
Many will remember his resignation speech just before the Iraq debate after which, unusually, he received an ovation from the House of Commons.Here
below is printed the full text of that famous speech so that once more we can see his gift for diplomacy and his natural integrity.
House of Commons Tuesday, March 18, 2003
"This is the first time for 20 years that I have addressed the House from the Back Benches. I must confess that I had forgotten how much better the
view is from here. None of those 20 years were more enjoyable or more rewarding than the past two, in which I have had the immense privilege of
serving this House as Leader of the House, which were made all the more enjoyable, Mr. Speaker, by the opportunity of working closely with you.
It was frequently the necessity for me as Leader of the House to talk my way out of accusations that a statement had been preceded by a press
interview. On this occasion I can say with complete confidence that no press interview has been given before this statement. I have chosen to address
the House first on why I cannot support a war without international agreement or domestic support.
The present Prime Minister is the most successful leader of the Labour party in my lifetime. I hope that he will continue to be the leader of our
party, and I hope that he will continue to be successful. I have no sympathy with, and I will give no comfort to, those who want to use this crisis to
displace him.
I applaud the heroic efforts that the Prime Minister has made in trying to secure a second resolution. I do not think that anybody could have done
better than the Foreign Secretary in working to get support for a second resolution within the Security Council. But the very intensity of those
attempts underlines how important it was to succeed. Now that those attempts have failed, we cannot pretend that getting a second resolution was of no
importance.
France has been at the receiving end of bucketloads of commentary in recent days. It is not France alone that wants more time for inspections. Germany
wants more time for inspections; Russia wants more time for inspections; indeed, at no time have we signed up even the minimum necessary to carry a
second resolution. We delude ourselves if we think that the degree of international hostility is all the result of President Chirac. The reality is
that Britain is being asked to embark on a war without agreement in any of the international bodies of which we are a leading partner -- not NATO, not
the European Union and, now, not the Security Council.
To end up in such diplomatic weakness is a serious reverse. Only a year ago, we and the United States were part of a coalition against terrorism that
was wider and more diverse than I would ever have imagined possible. History will be astonished at the diplomatic miscalculations that led so quickly
to the disintegration of that powerful coalition. The US can afford to go it alone, but Britain is not a superpower. Our interests are best protected
not by unilateral action but by multilateral agreement and a world order governed by rules. Yet tonight the international partnerships most important
to us are weakened: the European Union is divided; the Security Council is in stalemate. Those are heavy casualties of a war in which a shot has yet
to be fired.
I have heard some parallels between military action in these circumstances and the military action that we took in Kosovo. There was no doubt about
the multilateral support that we had for the action that we took in Kosovo. It was supported by NATO; it was supported by the European Union; it was
supported by every single one of the seven neighbors in the region. France and Germany were our active allies. It is precisely because we have none of
that support in this case that it was all the more important to get agreement in the Security Council as the last hope of demonstrating international
agreement.
The legal basis for our action in Kosovo was the need to respond to an urgent and compelling humanitarian crisis. Our difficulty in getting support
this time is that neither the international community nor the British public is persuaded that there is an urgent and compelling reason for this
military action in Iraq.
The threshold for war should always be high. None of us can predict the death toll of civilians from the forthcoming bombardment of Iraq, but the US
warning of a bombing campaign that will "shock and awe" makes it likely that casualties will be numbered at least in the thousands. I am confident
that British servicemen and women will acquit themselves with professionalism and with courage. I hope that they all come back. I hope that Saddam,
even now, will quit Baghdad and avert war, but it is false to argue that only those who support war support our troops. It is entirely legitimate to
support our troops while seeking an alternative to the conflict that will put those troops at risk.
Nor is it fair to accuse those of us who want longer for inspections of not having an alternative strategy. For four years as Foreign Secretary I was
partly responsible for the western strategy of containment. Over the past decade that strategy destroyed more weapons than in the Gulf war, dismantled
Iraq's nuclear weapons programme and halted Saddam's medium and long-range missiles programmes. Iraq's military strength is now less than half its
size than at the time of the last Gulf war.
Ironically, it is only because Iraq's military forces are so weak that we can even contemplate its invasion. Some advocates of conflict claim that
Saddam's forces are so weak, so demoralized and so badly equipped that the war will be over in a few days. We cannot base our military strategy on
the assumption that Saddam is weak and at the same time justify pre-emptive action on the claim that he is a threat.
Iraq probably has no weapons of mass destruction in the commonly understood sense of the term—namely a credible device capable of being delivered
against a strategic city target. It probably still has biological toxins and battlefield chemical munitions, but it has had them since the 1980s when
US companies sold Saddam anthrax agents and the then British Government approved chemical and munitions factories. Why is it now so urgent that we
should take military action to disarm a military capacity that has been there for 20 years, and which we helped to create? Why is it necessary to
resort to war this week, while Saddam's ambition to complete his weapons programme is blocked by the presence of UN inspectors?
Only a couple of weeks ago, Hans Blix told the Security Council that the key remaining disarmament tasks could be completed within months. I have
heard it said that Iraq has had not months but 12 years in which to complete disarmament, and that our patience is exhausted. Yet it is more than 30
years since resolution 242 called on Israel to withdraw from the occupied territories. We do not express the same impatience with the persistent
refusal of Israel to comply. I welcome the strong personal commitment that the Prime Minister has given to middle east peace, but Britain's positive
role in the middle east does not redress the strong sense of injustice throughout the Muslim world at what it sees as one rule for the allies of the
US and another rule for the rest.
Nor is our credibility helped by the appearance that our partners in Washington are less interested in disarmament than they are in regime change in
Iraq. That explains why any evidence that inspections may be showing progress is greeted in Washington not with satisfaction but with consternation:
it reduces the case for war.
What has come to trouble me most over past weeks is the suspicion that if the hanging chads in Florida had gone the other way and Al Gore had been
elected, we would not now be about to commit British troops.
The longer that I have served in this place, the greater the respect I have for the good sense and collective wisdom of the British people. On Iraq, I
believe that the prevailing mood of the British people is sound. They do not doubt that Saddam is a brutal dictator, but they are not persuaded that
he is a clear and present danger to Britain. They want inspections to be given a chance, and they suspect that they are being pushed too quickly into
conflict by a US Administration with an agenda of its own. Above all, they are uneasy at Britain going out on a limb on a military adventure without a
broader international coalition and against the hostility of many of our traditional allies.
From the start of the present crisis, I have insisted, as Leader of the House, on the right of this place to vote on whether Britain should go to war.
It has been a favorite theme of commentators that this House no longer occupies a central role in British politics. Nothing could better demonstrate
that they are wrong than for this House to stop the commitment of troops in a war that has neither international agreement nor domestic support. I
intend to join those tomorrow night who will vote against military action now. It is for that reason, and for that reason alone, and with a heavy
heart, that I resign from the Government."
[Applause]
For those who wish to get a better idea of the tenor and impact of this speech the link to an audio file is included below. It is recommended
listening.
Audio File: Robin Cook's Resignation Speech
(Thankyou 12m8keall2c for supplying the link to the audio file
)
[edit on 7-8-2005 by John bull 1]
[edit on 7-8-2005 by John bull 1]
[edit on 9-8-2005 by John bull 1]