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originally posted by: DJW001
a reply to: loam
This is not the first time a state has challenged the federal government in court. Calm down.
Ironically, history may well write that it was the left that killed federalism in favor of states rights.
Up is the new down...
originally posted by: bigfatfurrytexan
a reply to: DJW001
a bit hyperbolic.
EO's are operational memorandums, not law. Since his job is to execute the law, he has some leeway in interpretation when determining how the execution will take place.
Donald J. Trump
Verified account
@realDonaldTrump
Just cannot believe a judge would put our country in such peril. If something happens blame him and court system. People pouring in. Bad!
originally posted by: loam
a reply to: Indigo5
...or a sitting Supreme Court Justice expressing her subjective condemnation of his character during an election.
“Judges should avoid commenting on a candidate for public office,” she wrote in a brief statement issued by the court, admitting her remarks were “ill advised” and expressing regret. “In the future I will be more circumspect.”
"The Order’s refugee provisions explicitly distinguish between members of religious faiths. President Trump has made clear that one purpose of the Order is to favor Christian refugees at the expense of Muslims,"
the states argue.
"And the States have plausibly alleged that the countries chosen for the travel ban were chosen in part to disfavor Muslims ... Here, the sham of a secular purpose is exposed by both the language of the Order and Defendants’ expressions of anti-Muslim intent."
While the Justice Department has contended that Trump's authority to restrict foreigners' entry into the U.S. is essentially unfettered and not properly subject to scrutiny by the courts, the states assert that the order was so poorly focused that judges are entitled to question whether it is actually a genuine effort to limit the threat of terrorism.
"For several months [the order] bans all travelers from the listed countries and all refugees, whether they be infants, schoolchildren, or grandparents. And though it cites the attacks of September 11, 2001, as a rationale, it imposes no restrictions on people from the countries whose nationals carried out those attacks," the states argue, calling the order "at once too narrow and too broad."
If the courts have no jurisdiction as you say, then why haven't Trump's lawyers put a stop to this yet? Unless you're mistaken, because I can't imagine that Trump would have such incompetent lawyers working for him. So are his lawyers wrong...or are you?
originally posted by: Xcathdra
a reply to: reldra
It absolutely does fall under that doctrine. There is no dispute between the 2 branches of government with regards to the law or EO. The "unconstitutional" argument has failed in every ruling. Judges already addressed the one area in question, people already in the US and provided relief.
All thats left is the political correctness of the EO which is a political question.
The courts have no jurisdiction.
Judicial second-guessing of the president's determination that a temporary suspension of entry of certain classes of aliens was necessary at this time to protect national security would constitute an impermissible intrusion on the political branches' plenary constitutional authority over foreign affairs, national security, and immigration. See, e.g., Harisiades v. Shaughnessy, 342 U.S. 580, 588-89 (1952)
("[A]ny policy toward aliens is vitally and intricately interwoven with contemporaneous policies in regard to the conduct of foreign relations, the war power, and the maintenance of a republican form of government.").
"[I]t is not within the province of any court, unless expressly authorized by law, to review the determination of the political branch of the Government to exclude a given alien." Knauff, 338 U.S. at 543; see also INS v. Aguirre-Aguirre, 526 U.S. 415, 425 (1999).
In addition, the government argued, "courts are particularly ill-equipped to second-guess the president's prospective judgment about future risks." The reason: "Unlike the president, courts do not have access to classified information about the threat posed by terrorist organizations operating in particular nations, the efforts of those organizations to infiltrate the United States, or gaps in the vetting process."
The government brief supported the president's decision on both legal and constitutional grounds, starting with the law. And that starts with the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, which states:
Whenever the president finds that the entry of any aliens or of any class of aliens into the United States would be detrimental to the interests of the United States, he may by proclamation, and for such period as he shall deem necessary, suspend the entry of all aliens or any class of aliens as immigrants or nonimmigrants, or impose on the entry of aliens any restrictions he may deem to be appropriate.
Quoting cases from 2016 and 1977, the Justice Department argued that, specifically in the context of immigration, "the Supreme Court has 'long recognized the power to expel or exclude aliens as a fundamental sovereign attribute exercised by the government's political departments largely immune from judicial control.'" "When Congress delegates this plenary power to the executive, the executive's decisions are likewise generally shielded from administrative or judicial review."
As Laura Ingraham, the conservative radio host who also served as a clerk for Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, tweeted on Sunday: "The law is on Donald Trump's side. Doesn't mean that the courts will follow it."
originally posted by: Alien Abduct
a reply to: loam
Hers is a snippet from your source. This is only a tiny portion of the laws and case law that is on the President's side.
Judicial second-guessing of the president's determination that a temporary suspension of entry of certain classes of aliens was necessary at this time to protect national security would constitute an impermissible intrusion on the political branches' plenary constitutional authority over foreign affairs, national security, and immigration. See, e.g., Harisiades v. Shaughnessy, 342 U.S. 580, 588-89 (1952)
("[A]ny policy toward aliens is vitally and intricately interwoven with contemporaneous policies in regard to the conduct of foreign relations, the war power, and the maintenance of a republican form of government.").
"[I]t is not within the province of any court, unless expressly authorized by law, to review the determination of the political branch of the Government to exclude a given alien." Knauff, 338 U.S. at 543; see also INS v. Aguirre-Aguirre, 526 U.S. 415, 425 (1999).
In addition, the government argued, "courts are particularly ill-equipped to second-guess the president's prospective judgment about future risks." The reason: "Unlike the president, courts do not have access to classified information about the threat posed by terrorist organizations operating in particular nations, the efforts of those organizations to infiltrate the United States, or gaps in the vetting process."
The government brief supported the president's decision on both legal and constitutional grounds, starting with the law. And that starts with the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, which states:
Whenever the president finds that the entry of any aliens or of any class of aliens into the United States would be detrimental to the interests of the United States, he may by proclamation, and for such period as he shall deem necessary, suspend the entry of all aliens or any class of aliens as immigrants or nonimmigrants, or impose on the entry of aliens any restrictions he may deem to be appropriate.
Quoting cases from 2016 and 1977, the Justice Department argued that, specifically in the context of immigration, "the Supreme Court has 'long recognized the power to expel or exclude aliens as a fundamental sovereign attribute exercised by the government's political departments largely immune from judicial control.'" "When Congress delegates this plenary power to the executive, the executive's decisions are likewise generally shielded from administrative or judicial review."
SOURCE
The law and the Constitution is obviously on the President's side.
4:35 p.m.
White House Press Secretary Sean Spicer says the Trump administration is not rethinking its strategy over the president's ban on refugees and travelers from seven predominantly Muslim countries from entering the United States.
He says the administration remains confident it will prevail in the lawsuit.
Spicer tells reporters traveling aboard Air Force One the president has "huge discretion" to protect the safety of Americans. He says "clearly the law is on the president's side, the Constitution's on the president's side."
An appellate court this weekend denied the Trump administration's request to immediately set aside a Seattle judge's ruling that put a hold on the ban nationwide. Both sides face a Monday afternoon deadline to file court motions.
4:10 p.m.
Attorneys general from 15 states and the District of Columbia are urging a federal appeals court to uphold a lower court judge's stay on President Donald Trump's immigration order.
The friend of the court brief was filed Monday with the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in San Francisco.
The 23-page filing was signed by AGs from California, Connecticut, Delaware, Washington, D.C., Illinois, Iowa, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Mexico, New York, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont and Virginia.
The officials say Trump's executive order targeting refugees and nationals from seven predominantly Muslim countries hurts their states' economies. They say it also disrupts education and medical services and violates First Amendment-protected religious liberties.
Trump has argued the U.S. must protect its borders from would-be foreign terrorists.
Government lawyers are expected to file court papers later Monday.
2:40 p.m.
Two Democrat-appointed judges and one Republican appointee will weigh the appeal involving President Donald Trump's recent immigration order.
David Madden, a spokesman for the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, says the court's randomly assigned motions panel for this month will rule on the federal government's appeal of a Seattle judge's order temporarily blocking the travel ban.
The judges on the panel are Senior Judge William C. Canby Jr., appointed by President Jimmy Carter in 1980; Senior Judge Richard Clifton, appointed by President George W. Bush in 2002; and Michelle T. Friedland, appointed by President Barack Obama in 2014.
Washington state, Minnesota and Hawaii are arguing that the San Francisco-based court should allow a temporary restraining order blocking the travel ban to stand. The Justice Department was expected to file its brief Monday afternoon.