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... in 1806 there was difficulty in finding a contestant for Wharton and Burton. The former had regained the support of Lord Yarborough which Burton lost for opposing the government in parliament. A third man was eventually found in Gen. Richard Vyse, commander of the Yorkshire military district, who had been based in Beverley since 1804. Wharton once again headed the poll, with Vyse in second place 'almost without knowing that he was a candidate'. Burton, angered by his defeat, blamed Wharton and fought a bloodless duel with him. (fn. 72) Another general election followed in 1807. Vyse stood down for his son Richard, who received 1,010 votes from 1,203 voters, beating Wharton into second place; the third man Philip Staple stood on an anti-Catholic platform and had little support. Staple's consequent petition for bribery was unsuccessful, although Vyse is known to have paid all but 78 of those who voted for him at the rate of £3 8s. for a plumper and £1 14s. for a split vote. (fn. 73)
In general elections in Middlesex, Westminster, and Marylebone, each elector had two votes at his disposal, whilst the London liveryman had four votes. In by-elections each voter in all constituencies had a single vote at his disposal, corresponding to the single seat being contested.10 Electors were under no obligation to use all, or indeed any, of their votes. Voters in Middlesex, Westminster, and Marylebone might choose to deploy just one of their two votes: in eighteenth-century parlance, this was the ‘plumper’. It meant not only casting one vote in favour of the preferred candidate but, in effect, giving a negative to the others.
Election agents assiduously sought plumpers when their candidate was standing without a running-mate, since the tactical denial of votes to rival candidates could have a marked effect. It effectively maximised the advantage of the single candidate.
originally posted by: Hooke
a reply to: Scott Creighton
If you read through the background material, it appears that Vyse Sr. was chosen as a candidate simply because there weren't many other candidates around at the time.
... in 1806 there was difficulty in finding a contestant for Wharton and Burton. The former had regained the support of Lord Yarborough which Burton lost for opposing the government in parliament. A third man was eventually found in Gen. Richard Vyse, commander of the Yorkshire military district, who had been based in Beverley since 1804. Wharton once again headed the poll, with Vyse in second place 'almost without knowing that he was a candidate'. Burton, angered by his defeat, blamed Wharton and fought a bloodless duel with him. (fn. 72) Another general election followed in 1807. Vyse stood down for his son Richard, who received 1,010 votes from 1,203 voters, beating Wharton into second place; the third man Philip Staple stood on an anti-Catholic platform and had little support. Staple's consequent petition for bribery was unsuccessful, although Vyse is known to have paid all but 78 of those who voted for him at the rate of £3 8s. for a plumper and £1 14s. for a split vote. (fn. 73)
This PDF (3.1.1, pg. 3) explains what a "plumper" was:
In general elections in Middlesex, Westminster, and Marylebone, each elector had two votes at his disposal, whilst the London liveryman had four votes. In by-elections each voter in all constituencies had a single vote at his disposal, corresponding to the single seat being contested.10 Electors were under no obligation to use all, or indeed any, of their votes. Voters in Middlesex, Westminster, and Marylebone might choose to deploy just one of their two votes: in eighteenth-century parlance, this was the ‘plumper’. It meant not only casting one vote in favour of the preferred candidate but, in effect, giving a negative to the others.
Election agents assiduously sought plumpers when their candidate was standing without a running-mate, since the tactical denial of votes to rival candidates could have a marked effect. It effectively maximised the advantage of the single candidate.
I suspect that it was the whole system that was at fault, rather than just one individual.
originally posted by: ImaFungi
a reply to: Blackmarketeer
Are there any ancient/historic texts in which the information regarding the time period of the construction of the Great Pyramid was handed down, orally or writtenly, through culture and society?
There is a decent amount of Egyptian hieroglyphics and artifacts, and civilizations interacted with Egypt for thousands of years, is there no found discussion in any of histories more ancient texts which press upon the history of the Great Pyramid/s?
originally posted by: Scott Creighton
a reply to: [post=18334029]Hooke
Vyse was one of those happy to step over that line to breaking the law of the land, to commit electoral fraud to further his own ambitions.
(From the Beverley Bribery Commission of 1869)
24,063. (The witness.) I should like now to explain to the Commissioners the custom which has prevailed with regard to this payment of money. I do not know whether they understand it or not. It has been customary for generations past. I hold in my hand a book of the date of 1807 containing a list of all the persons paid at that election. I should like the Commissioners to know this for the sake of the credit of the borough, as questions have been asked of different witnesses as to how it happens that this system prevails. On the first page of this book there is an entry, “Paying Capt. Vyse’s voters, 16th June 1808 [sic], R. Dalton.” Out of 1,010 who voted for Capt. Vyse it appears from these entries that only 78 did not receive money. For a plumper the amount paid was 3l. 8s., and a split vote 1l. 14s. There are several persons who did not vote, for a very good reason, for some of them were in prison. At that time they used to pay wives, grandfathers, grandmothers, uncles, aunts, and everybody connected with them. So that many of these freemen have drunk in the system with their mothers’ milk.
24,064. (Mr. Barstow.) What is the authority for these numbers?—It is in the writing of Mr. Frederick Campbell, one of my predecessors and afterwards mayor of Beverley; it is partly in his writing and partly in the writing of Mr. Bland; and it is added up in the writing of another of my predecessors, Mr. Atkinson. Mr. Bland was another leading gentleman in the town. You will see that there were several persons paid who did not vote. In fact the system was universal. Everyone took the money. It has been handed down to the present time, the principle of it. I am not mentioning it for the purpose of justifying it, but merely that the Commissioners might have a little consideration.
At the general election of 1807 Vyse, professing himself ‘perfectly independent and unconnected with any party’,2 topped the poll at Beverley where his father, now stationed in Yorkshire, had won a seat the previous year. Perceval reported that he spoke against the addition of Burdett to the finance committee, 30 June 1807, but the speech escaped the notice of the parliamentary reporters.3 He voted with government on the address, 23 Jan.; the Scheldt inquiry, 26 Jan., 23 Feb., 5 and 30 Mar. 1810, when the Whigs classed him ‘against the Opposition’, and the Regency resolutions, 1 Jan. 1811. He was chosen to second the address, 7 Jan. 1812, and, according to Perceval, delivered a ‘very good’ speech praising the Regent and the progress of the war, and was ‘not at all put out’ by Burdett’s manoeuvre, which made it necessary to move the official address as an amendment.4 He voted against parliamentary reform, 21 May 1810, and against Catholic relief, 22 June 1812.
At the general election of 1812 he gave up Beverley and stood for the venal borough of Honiton, where he came in unopposed. He was expected to support the Liverpool ministry and generally did so, but his vote could not be taken for granted and he was probably a laggard attender. He voted against Catholic relief, 2 Mar., ‘declined voting’ in the decisive division of 24 May 1813,5 but again cast hostile votes on 21 May 1816 and 9 May 1817 ...
Vyse did not seek re-election in 1818.
originally posted by: Hooke
originally posted by: Scott Creighton
a reply to: [post=18334029]Hooke
Vyse was one of those happy to step over that line to breaking the law of the land, to commit electoral fraud to further his own ambitions.
You claim that he was ambitious, and bribed electors for his own ends.
But this was accepted practice for anyone wanting to enter Parliament at that time, as shown here some time ago:
(From the Beverley Bribery Commission of 1869)
24,063. (The witness.) I should like now to explain to the Commissioners the custom which has prevailed with regard to this payment of money. I do not know whether they understand it or not. It has been customary for generations past. I hold in my hand a book of the date of 1807 containing a list of all the persons paid at that election. I should like the Commissioners to know this for the sake of the credit of the borough, as questions have been asked of different witnesses as to how it happens that this system prevails. On the first page of this book there is an entry, “Paying Capt. Vyse’s voters, 16th June 1808 [sic], R. Dalton.” Out of 1,010 who voted for Capt. Vyse it appears from these entries that only 78 did not receive money. For a plumper the amount paid was 3l. 8s., and a split vote 1l. 14s. There are several persons who did not vote, for a very good reason, for some of them were in prison. At that time they used to pay wives, grandfathers, grandmothers, uncles, aunts, and everybody connected with them. So that many of these freemen have drunk in the system with their mothers’ milk.
24,064. (Mr. Barstow.) What is the authority for these numbers?—It is in the writing of Mr. Frederick Campbell, one of my predecessors and afterwards mayor of Beverley; it is partly in his writing and partly in the writing of Mr. Bland; and it is added up in the writing of another of my predecessors, Mr. Atkinson. Mr. Bland was another leading gentleman in the town. You will see that there were several persons paid who did not vote. In fact the system was universal. Everyone took the money. It has been handed down to the present time, the principle of it. I am not mentioning it for the purpose of justifying it, but merely that the Commissioners might have a little consideration.
And what did Vyse Jr. get out of it? As this source says:
At the general election of 1807 Vyse, professing himself ‘perfectly independent and unconnected with any party’,2 topped the poll at Beverley where his father, now stationed in Yorkshire, had won a seat the previous year. Perceval reported that he spoke against the addition of Burdett to the finance committee, 30 June 1807, but the speech escaped the notice of the parliamentary reporters.3 He voted with government on the address, 23 Jan.; the Scheldt inquiry, 26 Jan., 23 Feb., 5 and 30 Mar. 1810, when the Whigs classed him ‘against the Opposition’, and the Regency resolutions, 1 Jan. 1811. He was chosen to second the address, 7 Jan. 1812, and, according to Perceval, delivered a ‘very good’ speech praising the Regent and the progress of the war, and was ‘not at all put out’ by Burdett’s manoeuvre, which made it necessary to move the official address as an amendment.4 He voted against parliamentary reform, 21 May 1810, and against Catholic relief, 22 June 1812.
At the general election of 1812 he gave up Beverley and stood for the venal borough of Honiton, where he came in unopposed. He was expected to support the Liverpool ministry and generally did so, but his vote could not be taken for granted and he was probably a laggard attender. He voted against Catholic relief, 2 Mar., ‘declined voting’ in the decisive division of 24 May 1813,5 but again cast hostile votes on 21 May 1816 and 9 May 1817 ...
Vyse did not seek re-election in 1818.
So I repeat: how did going into Parliament further his 'own ends'? What did he get out of it?
originally posted by: Scott Creighton
SC: As I have said--bribing the electorate may have been accepted practice in some of the rotten boroughs of the UK but it was still ILLEGAL. And Vyse would have known it was illegal. However much you wish to dress it up, Vyse committed an illegal act and would most certainly have known he was doing so. But it did not deter him. He was quite prepared to break the law of the land, to resort to electoral fraud, to get what he wanted. We cannot get away from that.
In today's terms, Vyse would have spent the best part of $150,000 on these bribes. Clearly it was an 'investment' he thought was well worth the outlay. So, what did Vyse get out of it? He got what all seekers of position get--power, patronage, prestige and privilege, as well as all the trappings that go along with that. Pretty much the same with elected politicians today.
originally posted by: Scott Creighton
So, if Vyse was able and willing to commit fraud in his early life, is it not possible that he was capable of doing so later in his life?
SC
Hooke: Vyse Jr. was all set to inherit from his grandmother, so money wouldn't have been a problem. But it seems neither he nor his father ended up making much of an impression on the political life of the time. So was the game really worth the candle?
Hooke: The devices Vyse employed to get into Parliament were part of a system that was almost standard. Using an accepted mechanism to enter Parliament can't be compared with deliberate forgery.
Hooke: Vyse couldn't have been responsible for any counterfeit cartouches.
Hooke: He wouldn't have known what to put, or the right place to put it - and yet the masons' markings found in the chambers fit in with a system that wasn't discovered until much later on.
”Cartouches in tomb to the W. [west] of first pyramid are different than Suphis [Khufu].”
originally posted by: Scott Creighton
a reply to: Hooke
SC: It wasn’t about money. This family were very wealthy indeed. We may never know the precise motive Vyse had for standing for parliament but clearly it was worth spending around $150,000 of the family fortune to pay in bribes in order to secure victory.
Hooke: The devices Vyse employed to get into Parliament were part of a system that was almost standard. Using an accepted mechanism to enter Parliament can't be compared with deliberate forgery.
originally posted by: Scott Creighton
SC: It was not “almost standard” at all. It may well have been an “accepted mechanism” between the participants (Vyse and his electors) in the rotten borough of Beverley, but it was most certainly not an “accepted mechanism” to enter parliament. If Vyse had been caught at the time he’d have gone to jail (assuming his friends in high places didn’t make the charge disappear). It was illegal. Period.
Hooke: Vyse couldn't have been responsible for any counterfeit cartouches.
originally posted by: Scott Creighton
The evidence from Vyse’s private journal, from Hill’s facsimile drawings and from the evidence of ‘paint run’ from the Khufu cartouche all strongly suggests otherwise. There is also the additional evidence from Vyse’s private journal (which I have yet to make public but will do so in due course) where he notes an instruction to his assistants to place very specific hieroglyphs at a very specific location of the Great Pyramid. That's fraud in my book.
Hooke: He wouldn't have known what to put, or the right place to put it - and yet the masons' markings found in the chambers fit in with a system that wasn't discovered until much later on.
originally posted by: Scott Creighton
First of all, Vyse would only have needed to recognize the Khufu cartouche in order to perpetrate a fraud
originally posted by: Scott Creighton
since we often find the full titulary of Khufu together. But did Vyse know what the Khufu cartouche looked like? He did because in his private journal he writes:
”Cartouches in tomb to the W. [west] of first pyramid are different than Suphis [Khufu].”
originally posted by: Scott Creighton
Vyse would have to know what the Khufu cartouche looked like in order to recognize variations of it. He does not tell us the source of his information.
originally posted by: Scott Creighton
Secondly, Humphries Brewer (according to Walter Allen’s notes) tells us that “feint marks were repainted, some were new”. Clearly then, according to Brewer, some marks WERE genuine but painted over with newer, fresher paint. But which ones? And which ones were drawn by Raven & Hill?