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originally posted by: Scott Creighton
SC: You may not see but scientists may well see. We won't know until we allow them in there.
SC
originally posted by: Hanslune
a reply to: Hanslune
Scott I'm wondering if you missed my question in regards to Vyse's 'conviction for fraud', what again was the proof of this? I was wondering because 1/3 of Members of Parliament to include Wellington were also elected from such arrangements. How many convictions for this 'crime' where there from say 1808 to 1830? It would seem you are taking this out of context of the social and political life of England at that time.
Many constituencies, especially those with small electorates, were under the control of rich landowners, and were known as nomination boroughs or pocket boroughs, because they were said to be in the pockets of their patrons. Most patrons were noblemen or landed gentry who could use their local influence, prestige, and wealth to sway the voters. This was particularly true in rural counties, and in small boroughs situated near a large landed estate. Some noblemen even controlled multiple constituencies: for example, the Duke of Norfolk controlled eleven, while the Earl of Lonsdale controlled nine.[16] Writing in 1821, Sydney Smith proclaimed that "The country belongs to the Duke of Rutland, Lord Lonsdale, the Duke of Newcastle, and about twenty other holders of boroughs. They are our masters!"[17] T. H. B. Oldfield claimed in his Representative History of Great Britain and Ireland that, out of the 514 members representing England and Wales, about 370 were selected by nearly 180 patrons.[18] A member who represented a pocket borough was expected to vote as his patron ordered, or else lose his seat at the next election. Voters in some constituencies resisted outright domination by powerful landlords, but were still often open to corruption. Electors were bribed individually in some boroughs, and collectively in others. In 1771, for example, it was revealed that 81 voters in New Shoreham (who constituted a majority of the electorate) formed a corrupt organisation that called itself the "Christian Club", and regularly sold the borough to the highest bidder.[19] Especially notorious for their corruption were the "nabobs", or individuals who had amassed fortunes in the British colonies in Asia and the West Indies. The nabobs, in some cases, even managed to wrest control of boroughs from the nobility and the gentry.[20] Lord Chatham, Prime Minister of Great Britain during the 1760s, casting an eye on the fortunes made in India commented that "the importers of foreign gold have forced their way into Parliament, by such a torrent of corruption as no private hereditary fortune could resist".[21]
originally posted by: Hanslune
Oh so you admit he wasn't actually convicted of a crime. But you missed the key point was such bribery illegal in that time period and if so how many people were convicted of said crime.
If it was crime why did he note it down in his journal? Seems a strange thing to do? Unless it was a common practice to do so?
You do realize don't you, especially as you have been told this on other websites, that 1/3 of Parliament did the same thing, for centuries, even Lord Wellington did so, so how many of those folks were convicted of that crime?
I believe you are taking the event out of context for your own use.
Here is a wiki discussion of the situation in England this time:
Many constituencies, especially those with small electorates, were under the control of rich landowners, and were known as nomination boroughs or pocket boroughs, because they were said to be in the pockets of their patrons. Most patrons were noblemen or landed gentry who could use their local influence, prestige, and wealth to sway the voters. This was particularly true in rural counties, and in small boroughs situated near a large landed estate. Some noblemen even controlled multiple constituencies: for example, the Duke of Norfolk controlled eleven, while the Earl of Lonsdale controlled nine.[16] Writing in 1821, Sydney Smith proclaimed that "The country belongs to the Duke of Rutland, Lord Lonsdale, the Duke of Newcastle, and about twenty other holders of boroughs. They are our masters!"[17] T. H. B. Oldfield claimed in his Representative History of Great Britain and Ireland that, out of the 514 members representing England and Wales, about 370 were selected by nearly 180 patrons.[18] A member who represented a pocket borough was expected to vote as his patron ordered, or else lose his seat at the next election. Voters in some constituencies resisted outright domination by powerful landlords, but were still often open to corruption. Electors were bribed individually in some boroughs, and collectively in others. In 1771, for example, it was revealed that 81 voters in New Shoreham (who constituted a majority of the electorate) formed a corrupt organisation that called itself the "Christian Club", and regularly sold the borough to the highest bidder.[19] Especially notorious for their corruption were the "nabobs", or individuals who had amassed fortunes in the British colonies in Asia and the West Indies. The nabobs, in some cases, even managed to wrest control of boroughs from the nobility and the gentry.[20] Lord Chatham, Prime Minister of Great Britain during the 1760s, casting an eye on the fortunes made in India commented that "the importers of foreign gold have forced their way into Parliament, by such a torrent of corruption as no private hereditary fortune could resist".[21]
To my understanding of the history of this you are looking at something 'everyone was doing' in particular it was being done - for centuries - by the ruling elites, which is why, as far as I can determine, no one was every convicted of this particular 'crime'.
Edited to add: in 1883 the Corrupt and illegal Practices Prevention act was past and with it bribery was placed under control and I believe that some 90+ plus members of Parliament were subsequently tried under this law, but what happened before this?
I'm sure you've extensively study this before saying Vyse was criminal so what is the answer?
Bradshaw was unseated in 1729, his agents at Beverley were imprisoned, and the 'scandalous practices' revealed led directly to the passing of the 1729 Bribery Act. (from here).
originally posted by: Scott Creighton
originally posted by: Hanslune
Oh so you admit he wasn't actually convicted of a crime. But you missed the key point was such bribery illegal in that time period and if so how many people were convicted of said crime.
If it was crime why did he note it down in his journal? Seems a strange thing to do? Unless it was a common practice to do so?
You do realize don't you, especially as you have been told this on other websites, that 1/3 of Parliament did the same thing, for centuries, even Lord Wellington did so, so how many of those folks were convicted of that crime?
I believe you are taking the event out of context for your own use.
Here is a wiki discussion of the situation in England this time:
Many constituencies, especially those with small electorates, were under the control of rich landowners, and were known as nomination boroughs or pocket boroughs, because they were said to be in the pockets of their patrons. Most patrons were noblemen or landed gentry who could use their local influence, prestige, and wealth to sway the voters. This was particularly true in rural counties, and in small boroughs situated near a large landed estate. Some noblemen even controlled multiple constituencies: for example, the Duke of Norfolk controlled eleven, while the Earl of Lonsdale controlled nine.[16] Writing in 1821, Sydney Smith proclaimed that "The country belongs to the Duke of Rutland, Lord Lonsdale, the Duke of Newcastle, and about twenty other holders of boroughs. They are our masters!"[17] T. H. B. Oldfield claimed in his Representative History of Great Britain and Ireland that, out of the 514 members representing England and Wales, about 370 were selected by nearly 180 patrons.[18] A member who represented a pocket borough was expected to vote as his patron ordered, or else lose his seat at the next election. Voters in some constituencies resisted outright domination by powerful landlords, but were still often open to corruption. Electors were bribed individually in some boroughs, and collectively in others. In 1771, for example, it was revealed that 81 voters in New Shoreham (who constituted a majority of the electorate) formed a corrupt organisation that called itself the "Christian Club", and regularly sold the borough to the highest bidder.[19] Especially notorious for their corruption were the "nabobs", or individuals who had amassed fortunes in the British colonies in Asia and the West Indies. The nabobs, in some cases, even managed to wrest control of boroughs from the nobility and the gentry.[20] Lord Chatham, Prime Minister of Great Britain during the 1760s, casting an eye on the fortunes made in India commented that "the importers of foreign gold have forced their way into Parliament, by such a torrent of corruption as no private hereditary fortune could resist".[21]
To my understanding of the history of this you are looking at something 'everyone was doing' in particular it was being done - for centuries - by the ruling elites, which is why, as far as I can determine, no one was every convicted of this particular 'crime'.
Edited to add: in 1883 the Corrupt and illegal Practices Prevention act was past and with it bribery was placed under control and I believe that some 90+ plus members of Parliament were subsequently tried under this law, but what happened before this?
I'm sure you've extensively study this before saying Vyse was criminal so what is the answer?
SC: Buying votes at elections in 1837 was illegal and had been for over a 100 years when Vyse stood as a candidate in the Beverley constituency. Indeed, it was this very 'rotten borough' that led directly to the Bribery Bill, 1729. It was illegal. Period.
Bradshaw was unseated in 1729, his agents at Beverley were imprisoned, and the 'scandalous practices' revealed led directly to the passing of the 1729 Bribery Act. (from here).
Everyone wasn't doing it. Many in the Beverley constituency clearly were still doing it as Vyse was able to buy 932 votes (old habits die hard). There were still a number of other rotten boroughs at this time but they were not all rotten. Clearly Vyse chose well, targetting a seat where bribery was STILL commonplace and where his family's vast fortunes could easily secure him a comprehensive victory. And just because some MPs were actively bribing their electorate does not make it legally or morally right. You'll be telling us next that because 100,000 people in the US are thieving from stores that makes it okay for everyone else to do it. Absurd. There were very good and sound reasons why the British Government passed the Bribery Bill, 1729. But that didn't matter to Vyse and his ilk--they seemed to think they were above the law and arrogantly flouted it.
Vyse bought 932 votes in clear contradiction to the Bribery Bill of 1729. He committed electoral fraud and, thereby, broke the law of the time. He was a fraudster. Accept the fact.
SC
At the next general election in 1734 Hotham surprisingly joined forces with Bradshaw as a fellow Whig and convincingly defeated the Tory candidate, Pelham. There was no indication that the result reflected the political views of the electorate and in 1738, at the byelection caused by Hotham's death, Pelham was narrowly returned in a contest with Sir Robert Hildyard, Bt. Far more votes were cast for Pelham at the following general election in 1741, when he and a fellow Tory, William Strickland of Beverley, defeated Bradshaw.
Buying votes at elections in 1837 was illegal and had been for over a 100 years when Vyse stood as a candidate in the Beverley constituency.
Richard Vyse and his son Richard William Howard Vyse lasted combined one parliamentary term (7 years) in Westminster, the son got in because the father ceded his seat to him (parliamentary elective office could be ceded to next of kin at the time). That tells us that the campaigner at the time was the father and not the son, any vote buying cannot be attributed to Jr.
originally posted by: Hanslune
We need Staples petition which I believe will show he was complaining about something other than vote buying.
originally posted by: Hooke
originally posted by: Hanslune
We need Staples petition which I believe will show he was complaining about something other than vote buying.
This is a link to the text of Staple's petition.
I also found this link and this link on another forum. They provide a bit more detail about the background.
endorsed by the Grenville ministry at the instigation of his friends Lord and Lady Holland. Alderman Prinsep proceeded to Beverley to canvass, only to discover that Gen. Vyse was not dead and far from amused.8 In 1807, however, Vyse stood down in favour of his son, who professed perfect independence of party. The third man, Maj. Staple whose platform was ‘No Popery’, got nowhere, and two other contenders, Alderman Jarratt and John Wray junior, withdrew their pretensions. Staple petitioned, alleging bribery and treating, to no avail. In 1812 it was reported that he had ‘not a shilling’ to maintain his interest.9
Although Gen. Vyse was already a capital burgess of Beverley and had been stationed there for more than two years, there is no evidence of premeditated candidature: one of his supporters, John Arden, informed the freemen that Vyse was stepping into the breach after an attempt had been made to trick them. Gen. Burton felt obliged to deny that he and Wharton, who could certainly ill afford the expense of a contest, were in collusion with Prinsep to cheat the freemen of their loaves and fishes; politically they were in opposite camps and the ministry were not well disposed to Burton. The mayor William Beverley took measures against ‘violence and intimidation’ at the poll and Burton was the disappointed candidate. He complained of Vyse’s ‘illiberal’ conduct in coming forward on such a flimsy basis and published criticism of Wharton’s conduct during the election, which led to a bloodless duel between them. The basis of the quarrel was Wharton’s unwillingness to promote even the appearance of a united front between himself and Burton, to avert a contest.7
endorsed by the Grenville ministry at the instigation of his friends Lord and Lady Holland. Alderman Prinsep proceeded to Beverley to canvass, only to discover that Gen. Vyse was not dead and far from amused.8 In 1807, however, Vyse stood down in favour of his son, who professed perfect independence of party. The third man, Maj. Staple whose platform was ‘No Popery’, got nowhere, and two other contenders, Alderman Jarratt and John Wray junior, withdrew their pretensions. Staple petitioned, alleging bribery and treating, to no avail. In 1812 it was reported that he had ‘not a shilling’ to maintain his interest.9
FM: As I had already pointed out to Mr. Creighton in another forum: There was no substance to any allegation of vote buying, all we have is a sore loser called Staple.
And, as usual with Mr. Creighton, his research is less than adequate (in fact, if it was a 3d class history essay he would have gotten an F), because yes there was a case of vote buying and intimidation in Beverly, but that was before Vyse Jr. as he could have read in the previous paragraph of the same link:…
Although Gen. Vyse was already a capital burgess of Beverley and had been stationed there for more than two years, there is no evidence of premeditated candidature: one of his supporters, John Arden, informed the freemen that Vyse was stepping into the breach after an attempt had been made to trick them. Gen. Burton felt obliged to deny that he and Wharton, who could certainly ill afford the expense of a contest, were in collusion with Prinsep to cheat the freemen of their loaves and fishes; politically they were in opposite camps and the ministry were not well disposed to Burton. The mayor William Beverley took measures against ‘violence and intimidation’ at the poll and Burton was the disappointed candidate. He complained of Vyse’s ‘illiberal’ conduct in coming forward on such a flimsy basis and published criticism of Wharton’s conduct during the election, which led to a bloodless duel between them. The basis of the quarrel was Wharton’s unwillingness to promote even the appearance of a united front between himself and Burton, to avert a contest.7
I certainly, seeing this kind of shoddy research added to the brain masturbation of the "false" cartouches, feel that buying any of his works is facilitating fraud. The fraud he is committing.
Staple's consequent petition for bribery was unsuccessful, although Vyse is known to have paid all but 78 of those who voted for him at the rate of £3 8s. for a plumper and £1 14s. for a split vote. (from here)
originally posted by: FrageMark
And attached is a link to Mr Creighton's intellectual honesty in research, to be found on no other place that Graham Hancocks forum:
www.grahamhancock.com...
Enjoy!
"Not that this lets him [Howard-Vyse] off the hook: it looks like the petition [of Philip Staple] should have succeeded." - Martin Stower (from here)
originally posted by: FrageMark
originally posted by: Scott Creighton
"Not that this lets him [Howard-Vyse] off the hook: it looks like the petition [of Philip Staple] should have
People want evidence, Fragemark, not silly smears.
SC
Quite so Mr. Creighton, Sir, quite so.
So, when are you going to deliver instead of pointing to half truths (by suppressing evidence you should have if you actually are privy to the matters you lecture about), brain masturbation, scratched out drawings in journals (with corresponding written annotations, which have been cut out in your "evidence") and alleged emails with Graham Hancock that nobody seems to recall as you present them?
FM: It is about time that instead of cheeky remarks you put something on the table.
FM: Or are we to suppose that the only fraud around here is you?
FM: Edit: And as to "unqualified opinions:. the copy of the Vyse journal page with your "evidence" on the Hancock page is not an opinion, it is a fact... and contradicts your opinion