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Riffrafter
reply to post by CornShucker
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Any ideas?
mike dangerously
Here's my contribution to this great thread: 50 reasons for 50 years.Check out this series of vids.edit on 023131p://3726 by mike dangerously because: (no reason given)
havok
reply to post by CornShucker
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All I can really say is quite simple. It is our own fault for being so gullible and stupid.
Editor’s note: When They Kill A President by Roger Craig is an unpublished manuscript written by a man who, in his capacity as a Deputy Sheriff, witnessed many critical moments in Dallas on November 22, 1963 and beyond and did not change his story despite the staggering costs to himself. I purchased a copy of this manuscript in the 1980s from Tom Davis, a first-generation JFK assassination researcher. I met Tom through his capacity as a bookseller in Capitola, California after some years of listening to Mae Brussell’s weekly radio program, World Watchers International.
I bolted toward Houston Street. I was fifteen steps from the corner—before I reached it two more shots had been fired. Telling myself that it wasn‘t true and at the same time knowing that it was, I continued to run. I ran across Houston Street and beside the pond, which is on the west side of Houston. I pushed a man out of my way and he fell into the pond. I ran down the grass between Main and Elm.
People were lying all over the ground. I thought, “My God, they‘ve killed a woman and child,” who were lying beside the gutter on the South side of Elm Street. I checked them and they were alright. I saw a Dallas Police Officer run up the grassy knoll and go behind the picket fence near the railroad yards. I followed and behind the fence was complete confusion and hysteria.
I began to question people when I noticed a woman in her early thirties attempting to drive out of the parking lot. She was in a brown 1962 or 1963 Chevrolet. I stopped her, identified myself and placed her under arrest. She told me that she had to leave and I said, “Lady, you‘re not going anywhere.” I turned her over to Deputy Sheriff C.I. Lummy) Lewis and told him the circumstances of the arrest. Officer Lewis told me that he would take her to Sheriff Decker and take care of her car.
The parking lot behind the picket fence was of little importance to most of the investigators at the scene except that the shots were thought to have come from there.
Let us examine this parking lot. It was leased by Deputy Sheriff B. D. Gossett. He in turn rented parking space by the month to the deputies who worked in the court house, except for official vehicles. I rented one of these spaces from Gossett when I was a dispatcher working days or evenings. I paid Gossett $3.00 per month and was given a key to the lot. An interesting point is that the lot had an iron bar across the only entrance and exit (which were the same). The bar had a chain and lock on it. The only people having access to it were deputies with keys. Point: how did the woman gain access and, what is more important, who was she and why did she have to leave?
This was to be the beginning of the never-ending cover up. Had I known then what I know now, I would have personally questioned the woman and impounded and searched her car. I had no way of knowing that an officer, with whom I had worked for four years, was capable of losing a thirty year old woman and a three thousand pound automobile. To this day Officer Lewis does not know who she was, where she came from or what happened to her. Strange!
MarioOnTheFly
reply to post by CornShucker
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After watching this video...there is absolutely no doubt anymore...
THEY KILLED KENNEDY !!!!!!...and by they...I mean...not Oswald.
No doubt. No doubt.
MarioOnTheFly
reply to post by CornShucker
what specifically shocked me is...multiple first hand witnesses, most notably including the doctors that were present in the hospital when they brought Kennedy in.
The doctor (Crenshaw i think) who stood by him...until his last breath...said..."he was shot from the front, at least two possibly 3 shooters". Since this man is a doctor...I reckon he knows the difference between exit and entry wounds. Surely he has a credible authority to make such a claim...
But this is only one of the shocking interviews...
SayonaraJupiter
JFK - 3 Shots that Changed America.
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You have to pay close attention or you'll miss LBJ's "popeye" signal at the Fort Worth breakfast.
College Hill’s pattern was repeated on Capitol Hill in 1933 and 1934. The ‘Little Congress’ of congressional aides was a social organization. But Lyndon Johnson saw in its presidency a means of entree to men of power. Again there were repeated complaints, this time from fellow Little Congress members, that he had ‘stolen’ elections (‘Everyone said it: “In that last election that damn Lyndon Johnson stole some votes again”‘). When, in 1933 and 1934, Johnson was accused of ‘stuffing’ a ballot box, he was not yet represented by Abe Fortas, and his accusers succeeded in accomplishing what Fortas prevented Johnson’s 1948 accusers from accomplishing: opening the ballot box. When the Little Congress box was opened, it was found
that the accusations against Johnson were true. Again, as at college, what he had done was unprecedented: no one had ever stuffed a Little Congress ballot box before. (And, perhaps no one would ever stuff one again, for after his departure the organization quickly reverted to its easygoing social role; ‘My God, who would cheat to win the presidency of something like the Little Congress?’) In his first campaign for the Senate, he stole thousands of votes, and when they proved insufficient (‘He ['Pappy' O'Daniel] stole more votes than we did, that’s all’), his reaction was to try to steal still more, and his failure in this attempt was due only to [an] irredeemable tactical error, not to any change in the pattern . . .
At each previous stage of his career, then, Johnson’s election tactics had made clear not only a hunger for power but a willingness to take (within the context of American politics, of course; the coups and assassinations that characterize other countries’ politics were not and never would be included in his calculations) whatever political steps would be necessary to satisfy that hunger. Over and over again, he had stretched the rules of the game to their breaking point, and then had broken them, pushing deeper into the ethical and legal no-man’s-land beyond them than others were willing to go.
Now, in 1948 . . . he was operating beyond the loosest boundaries of prevailing custom and political morality. What had been demonstrated before was now underlined in the strongest terms: in the context of the politics that was his life, Lyndon Johnson would do whatever was necessary to win. Even in terms of the most elastic political morality — the political morality of 1940s Texas — his methods were amoral” (Robert A. Caro, *The Years of Lyndon Johnson: Means of Ascent,* 397-98).