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Just as he promised during the campaign, President Obama doubled down on the war in Afghanistan, now America's longest ever, despite its day-to-day deterioration to the point where it increasingly resembled Vietnam. As with that catastrophe, US forces arrived with inappropriate training for a "nation building" mission and even less rapport and understanding with Afghanistan's traditionalist Islamic culture and politics. Once again, US troops were fighting in the service of a corrupt regime that rigged elections to remain in power and whose denizens appeared more interested in getting rich off heroin sales and distribution, and playing America off against its enemies, than in winning a war. President Karzai regularly referred to the US troops as occupying forces, acting in Afghanistan "for their own purposes, for their own goals, and... using our soil." Also like Vietnam, urgent domestic priorities went begging and created additional pressure to rethink what looked more and more like a failed policy.
Acting in the tradition of imperial presidents like Johnson, Nixon, Reagan and George W. Bush, Obama refused to seek Congressional approval for his Libyan intervention. He rejected the views of top lawyers at the Pentagon and the Justice Department and instead argued that US involvement did not constitute the kind of "hostilities" designed to trigger the 1973 War Powers Act. Constitutionally speaking, he had the power to do this, but it was one of many decisions that led supporters to wonder whether John McCain had actually defeated the constitutional law professor Barack Obama in the 2008 election.
In his 2010 State of the Union address, the president admitted that bailing out the banks had been "about as popular as root canal." But he took no steps whatever to assuage the populist anger they naturally engendered. During the fight over the financial reform legislation, they resisted Congressional efforts to place any limits on executive pay as European nations had done, even for companies in which US taxpayers were now the principal stockholders. This at a moment when executive compensation at the America's biggest companies had quadrupled in real terms since the 1970s, even as pay for 90 percent of America remained flat or even declined.
As fearful of being labeled "anti-business" as Democrats traditionally had been of being seen as "soft on defense," the administration apparently decided, as a matter of policy to "protect the interests of creditors, no matter the cost," in Paul Krugman's words. During the fight over the financial reform bill, it consistently took the positions for which the banks were lobbying. Obama and his team were eager to weaken the "Volcker Rule," which sought to prevent "large, systemically important banking institutions [from] undertaking proprietary activities that represent particularly high risks and serious conflicts of interest."
Barack Obama had found it necessary to become a far more conservative president, both in foreign and domestic policy, than the candidate who had first won the race. Upon signing the debt deal, Obama bragged--actually bragged--that the deal would result in "the lowest level of annual domestic spending since Dwight Eisenhower was president." This was the same president, who had barely two years earlier, bragged about the level of investment in the economy in exactly the same terms.
According to Al Gore, who should know, 'President Obama has never presented to the American people the magnitude of the climate crisis... He has not defended the science against the ongoing withering and dishonest attacks. Nor has he provided a presidential venue for the scientific community... to bring the reality of the science before the public... His election was accompanied by intense hope that many things in need of change would change... Some things have, but others have not. Climate policy, unfortunately, falls into the second category."
As if to demonstrate the accuracy of Gore's critique, not long after it was published, Obama ordered the EPA to abandon its pursuit of new curbs on emissions that worsens disease-causing smog in US cities in response to business and Republican pressure.
In a few areas, including obsessiveness about leaks, Obama was even worse than Bush had been. Speaking to a conference of liberal activists in October 2010, American Civil Liberties Union Executive Director Anthony Romero pronounced himself "disgusted" with the administration's policies on civil liberties and national security issues. He went on: "Guantanamo is still not closed. Military commissions are still a mess. The administration still uses state secrets to shield themselves from litigation. There's no prosecution for criminal acts of the Bush administration. Surveillance powers put in place under the Patriot Act have been renewed. "What's more, the Obama continued the Bush Administration's war on openness and transparency in government, setting the Justice Department loose on government whistleblowers failing to support journalists' right to protect their sources against judicial coercion up to and including the threat of prison for a New York Times reporter.
Obama himself mocked liberal disappointment at, of all places, a $30,000 per person fundraiser in Greenwich, Connecticut at the home of an unfortunately named fellow named "Rich Richman," "Gosh, we haven't yet brought about world peace and--[laughter]. I thought that was going to happen quicker." In March of that same year, Obama joked to a group of students about the manner in which the liberal Huffington Post would have treated Abe Lincoln. "Here you've got a wartime president who's making a compromise around probably the greatest moral issue that the country ever faced because he understood that `right now my job is to win the war and to maintain the union,'" Obama told the students. "Can you imagine how the Huffington Post would have reported on that? It would have been blistering. Think about it, `Lincoln sells out slaves.'"
The labor movement's key priority, passage of the Employee Free Choice Act, received only tepid administration or Congressional support. Nothing was done to reform America's broken (and deeply exploitative) immigration policies. (The pace of deportations actually increased during Obama's presidency by roughly twenty percent above that of an equivalent period during the Bush Administration's tenure). Reproductive rights for women were actually narrowed.
In February, Attorney General Eric Holder and Director of National Intelligence James Clapper wrote a joint letter to Congressional leaders demanding “speedy . . . reauthorization of these authorities in their current form” — “without amendment.” The ACLU’s Michelle Richardson yesterday wrote:
Remember the George W. Bush warrantless wiretapping program? The one that was so illegal that Congress had to pass a special law to ensure that no one was prosecuted for it or sued by their customers for facilitating it? And was found by independent reviewers to be pretty pointless anyway? And was then brilliantly codified and written into stone by Congress? And which almost immediately went off the rails, being used to collect all sorts of stuff it wasn’t supposed to? It’s back!
The FISA Amendments Act of 2008 (FAA) rewrote our surveillance laws, which had generally required a warrant or court order for surveillance of people in the US. Under the FAA, the government can get a year-long programmatic court order for general bulk collection of Americans’ international communications without specifying who will be tapped. It is up to the administration to decide that on its own after the fact, without any judicial review. . . . Once the National Security Agency sucks up these phone calls, texts, emails and Internet records, it can use them pursuant to secret rules that they swear protect our privacy.
Barack Obama is a lot of things — eloquent, dissembling, conniving, intelligent and, above all, calm. But one thing he is not is weak.
This basic truth is belied by the meager Obama criticism you occasionally hear from liberal pundits and activists. They usually stipulate that the president genuinely wants to enact the progressive agenda he campaigned on, but they gently reprimand him for failing to muster the necessary personal mettle to achieve that goal. In this mythology, he is “President Pushover,” as the New York Times columnist Paul Krugman recently labeled him.
This story line is a logical fallacy. Most agree that today’s imperial presidency almost singularly determines the course of national politics. Additionally, most agree that Obama is a brilliant, Harvard-trained lawyer who understands how to wield political power.
Considering this, and further considering Obama’s early congressional majorities, it is silly to insist that the national political events during Obama’s term represent a lack of presidential strength or will. And it’s more than just silly — it’s a narcissistic form of wishful thinking coming primarily from liberals who desperately want to believe “their” president is with them.
In the anarchist, Marxist and socialist sense, free association (also called free association of producers or, as Marx often called it, community of freely associated individuals) is a kind of relation between individuals where there is no state, social class or authority, in a society that has abolished the private property of means of production. Once private property is abolished, individuals are no longer deprived of access to means of production so they can freely associate themselves (without social constraint) to produce and reproduce their own conditions of existence and fulfill their needs and desires.
The original political meanings of ‘left’ and ‘right’ have changed since their origin in the French estates general in 1789. There the people sitting on the left could be viewed as more or less anti-statists with those on the right being state-interventionists of one kind or another. In this interpretation of the pristine sense, libertarianism was clearly at the extreme left-wing.
Understand that I do feel these social issues are important to a societies health, but when we look at the big picture they are minor issues that should easily be solved. The saying "not seeing the forest for the trees" comes to mind when talking about social issues and how it relates to the overall health of the U.S. Just watch the upcoming presidential election, and how it more than likely will be dominated by social issues.
Originally posted by Carseller4
Obama is as left as he is allowed to go.
The thing about leftist/liberals is that they have to hide their true agenda. If there was no barriers we all would be in trouble.
Originally posted by Carseller4
Obama is as left as he is allowed to go.
The thing about leftist/liberals is that they have to hide their true agenda. If there was no barriers we all would be in trouble.
Originally posted by Kali74
reply to post by Carseller4
If that were the case Obama's first two years would have brought us the sweeping changes he promised. We would have less laws, not more and the corrupted would be out on the sidewalks looking for jobs like too many other Americans.
As far as those who think there is a left/right paradigm, those that advance this theory are usually leftists trying to hide their agenda.
Originally posted by ThirdEyeofHorus
reply to post by Kali74
The health care reform wasn't enough for you I see. It was the single most important piece driving us wildly into socialist Utopialand, and you are unhappy because the DSA in Congress couldnt ruin us more with that cr**^ Cap and Trade bill.
Obama is as far left as it goes regardless of his temporary wanderings into centrism. Even Bill Clinton is further right than Obama.
Well at least I know you get your Kool Aid from Huffpo so I'm not surprised by your outlook.edit on 26-5-2012 by ThirdEyeofHorus because: (no reason given)
So let me get this straight.... you were for the stimulus and the baillouts but you support OWS and wonder why the country is in so much financial debacle