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Originally posted by kn0wh0w
reply to post by zatara
Where did the first quote come from? I am not finding it in any of the sources you posted.
from here
You are twisting the report and its information in an attempt to justify your position, along with the rest who jumped on your bandwagon here. Specifically you are ignoring the other sections in the report that I listed above that deals with non military options. Why were those left out?
I didn't twist anything.
Because i came across an article that disected the report.
I'm in the process of reading it right now.
Wether or not this report reflects the opinions of the CIA etc does, imho, not matter.
It's exactly being played out as is written in that report.
Where did the above quote come from? I am not finding it in the sources you linked.
Misleading.. Rumsfeld s comment was from an October 2001 interview.Secondly the use of nukes during armed conflict has always been an option going back to the 50's. The Congressman's comment also came from 2001. What you are leaving out is -
so the US has nuclear capabilities dating back to, at minimum, the 1950's.
so what's the hype with Iran?
hypocritical much?
You are leaving out information that places the comments into context.
nope, you just didn't read the entire op.
(look at the screenshot provided)
it's quite clearly there, it's even marked blue...
Originally posted by kn0wh0w The Brookings report would then go on to admit it was the intention of US-Israeli policy toward Iran to provoke a war they knew Iran would neither want, nor benefit from. The goal was to create such a provocation without the world recognizing it was indeed the West triggering hostilities: Again - the quote is not in the Brooking s report. Can you please link me to the specific page of the report its located on.
you're right.
it came from this link
the one you've repeatedly asked for
this quote is from the report itself.
...it would be far more preferable if the United States could cite an Iranian provocation as justification for the airstrikes before launching them. Clearly, the more outrageous, the more deadly, and the more unprovoked the Iranian action, the better off the United States would be. Of course, it would be very difficult for the United States to goad Iran into such a provocation without the rest of the world recognizing this game, which would then undermine it. (One method that would have some possibility of success would be to ratchet up covert regime change efforts in the hope that Tehran would retaliate overtly, or even semi-overtly, which could then be portrayed as an unprovoked act of Iranian aggression.) "
quite clear if you ask me.
Once again you left out the prior and following paragraphs, which place the quote into context.
nope you just missed the link.
Last - I noticed your quotes, almost all, contain words that are not present in the sources. Are the quotes you made taken directly from the documents or did you paraphrase using your own language?
see above.
Read Carefully
you too
Originally posted by XPLodER
are you aware that reigem change as an objective is an international war crime,
as is preemptive aggressive military actions without the legal deceleration of war,
Originally posted by XPLodER
do you agree that either is a war crime and therfore not acceptable as a policy,
Originally posted by XPLodER
or do you support these actions to prevent the "threat" of a nuclear iran?
Originally posted by XPLodER
i guess i am asking would you support a war crime Xcathdra?
Originally posted by XPLodER
what about covert terror acts inside iran?
is that a war crime?
Originally posted by Xcathdra
You have absolutely no idea what the hell you are talking about.
Originally posted by decepticonLaura
this is a legitimate government report.
None of the ideas expressed in this volume should be construed as representing the views of any of the individual authors. The collection is a collaborative effort, and the authors attempted to present each of the options as objectively as possible, without introducing their own subjective opinions about them. The aim of this exercise was to highlight the challenges of all the options and to allow readers to decide for themselves which they believe to be best.
All statements of fact, opinion, or analysis expressed are those of the authors and do not reflect the official positions or views of the CIA or any other U.S. Government Agency. Nothing in the contents should be construed as asserting or implying U.S. Government authentication of information or Agency endorsement of the authors’ views. This material has been reviewed by the CIA to prevent the disclosure of classified information.
The authors are deeply grateful for the financial assistance from the Smith Richardson Foundation, the Crown Family Foundation, and others in the drafting and publication of this study.
The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit public policy organization based in Washington, DC. Our mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations that advance three broad goals:
The mission of the Smith Richardson Foundation is to contribute to important public debates and to help address serious public policy challenges facing the United States. The Foundation seeks to help ensure the vitality of our social, economic, and governmental institutions. It also seeks to assist with the development of effective policies to compete internationally and to advance U.S. interests and values abroad. This mission is embodied in our international and domestic grant programs.
In 2009, after more than 60 years of family grant-making under the name Arie and Ida Crown Memorial, Crown Family Philanthropies (CFP) was developed to represent an array of family grantmaking practices.
Our program areas include the Arts, Civic Affairs, Education, Environmental, Health, Human Services and Jewish causes. Dividing our philanthropic investments into the program areas listed above, all applicants must meet the basic as well as program-specific guidelines to be considered for funding. We have built the CFP model on a social contract of engagement, trust, and collective participation of family members to address aspirations for social change.