Thanks for the reply Freedom ERP. I'll do my best to elaborate on the positions you've mentioned. Please forgive me if I am a bit verbose, but I
pride myself on the fact that I present sound ideas which will work and do not hide behind generalities and soundbytes.
Originally posted by Freedom ERP
What percentage of tax take would you provision to public funds only campaigns?
Percentage wise almost any expenditure would be unimpressive, however expenditures will still be reigned in significantly, primarily because I believe
that those who would lead us must exemplify the efficiency and fiscal responsibility that our government must exercise. In 2004 the combined cost of
all democratic and republican presidential campaigns was just over 1 billion dollars. A decade before, it was less than half that much.
If we assume a trippling of candidates under a more open system, and reduced costs back to 1994 levels, the cost would be 1.5 Billion. To put that in
perspective, our total spending (which, incidentally, does need to be reduced) is almost 2000 times that much.
We can further reduce that cost however by deemphasizing "shallow media" such as TV commercials and giving stronger support to cheaper and yet more
meaningful methods of communication.
For example:
1. Production of a TV commercial to run nationally averages $350,000
link plus
airtime, which can run $100,000 for 30 seconds. A news-worthy event such as a debate, however, (incidentally, i don't mean a highly scripted song and
dance sponsored by Budweiser and RJ Reynolds Tobacco), can provide each of the candidates more in-depth national televison coverage while reducing
costs by placing the cost of airtime on the news stations instead of on campaign advertising budgets, and placing production costs such as a venue and
security on state and local governments which could volunteer the free use of their facilities or procure use of private facilities in order to
increase the political importance of their area and the issues affecting them.
2. Internet Resources and Grass Roots Campaigning: We will obviously not be attempting to stop private citizens from expressing themselves. The
importance of electronic correspondence and volunteer organization would grow significantly as candidates became less able to bombard those who are
not politically engaged with emotive soundbytes. One of the most important expenditures of the new campaign system will be an independent oversight
body to ensure that there is no sabotage or preference by electronic communication providers that are used for grass roots organization- if, for
example, MySpace were to allow the creation of a bulletin board for Republican and Democrat supporters, they would also have to allow such
organization by Independents.
3. Free mailing: Allowing candidates to provide explanations of their positions in print via mail to the voters in the midst of reduced sound-byte
campaigning will place greater emphasis on whether or not a candidate chooses to articulate his ideas in black and white for the voters to see, and
which issues the candidate chooses to do this on.
Would you fund all levels of campaign centrally? Or would local and state campaigns be funded at that level?
Senators and Representatives of the United States would be subject to this law. Because the United States is federal rather than unitary however,
unlike the UK, the ability of the federal government to affect reform in state and local governments is sometimes questionable. Federal law only
trumps state law when the federal law fulfills a constitutional power of the federal government, and since the federal government has no explicit
constitutional power to oversee or manage the respective states, federal law respecting the election of state governments would not be binding, except
in cases where it dealt with the movement of money or other political resources across state lines (thanks to the commerce clause of our
constitution).
It would take a constitutional amendment to impose such rules on state and local governments. I have proposed several constitutional amendments
already in this campaign, but I do not do so lightly. I simply don't believe that such an amendment as this one would have any hope of passing,
because in order to be fool-proof from any judicial loophole it would not only have to establish the rules for elections in states but would have to
either explicitly or implicity give the federal government oversight of the states, and this would not be acceptable to the majorities in many
individual states where the issue of states rights is considered by many to be essential to the democratic spirit of sovereignty originating from the
broadest base and being willingly conceeded upward to the central government.
In short, although I believe that this system should exist at every level, I conceede that it is not possible to make it binding upon the states
immediately, and that attempting to do so would probably create a backlash that could undermine the entire idea, even on the national level (which is
possible because states have discretion over how they determine which candidate recieves their electoral votes, giving the state government's an
ability to 'strike back' if this system is seen as an attack on their 10th amendment rights.) The best course is simply to introduce it on the
national level and trust many states to willingly follow suit, then wait for the success of the system to convince the voters in states which do not
immediately adopt it.
What enforcement agency would you create to ensure that campaigns were only publically funded?
To enforce these provisions would not require a new organization, but in fact would require merely a reform and a simplification of the existing
Federal Election Commission. The FEC is currently appointed by the POTUS and approved by the Senate, and consists of 3 Democrats and 3 Republicans. It
has the authority to investigate campaign finance and prosecute violations, which are currently quite complex. The current FEC serves to preserve a
status quo between the two parties rather than to provide a check upon them.
John McCain and Russ Feingold have introduced one proposal to alter the FEC, and I propose borrowing a portion of their idea. Specifically, their
bill (S. 478) includes a provision that the revised FEC (which they would call the
FEA) meet under the supervision of an administrative law judge.
I propose that the FEC be altered. Its membership should consist of two representatives from each political party represented on any presidential
ballot in the United States (at present there are 5 parties meeting this qualification- Republican, Democrat, Green, Libertarian, and Constitution)
and one judge, appointed from the bench to the commission, who shall chair the commission, and upon acceptance of his appointment shall become
inelligible to hold any higher judicial appointment or any political office. A majority would be required for any action. The commission's primary
responsibility would be to monitor the expenditures of the campaigns and verify accountability for the public election funds, invesigating any
suspiciously low expenses or over-expenditures.
How would you propose to remove the veto from the permenant memebers of the securety council?
It will be difficult, in fact, it must be done voluntarily.
Chapter XVIII Article 108 of the UN Charter stipulates that the charter, which provides the Security Council with its powers, including veto, can be
amended by 2/3s vote of the general assembly,
including all permanent members of the security council.
This difficulty is the very essence of the challenge that these reforms are intended to address, and we must confront it. The current system is
subject to the interests of a few nations, based on little more than the fact that they won WWII, and it presided over the cold war. It is unlikely to
escape the patterns that were seen during that time. To advance, we must voluntarily put aside this system and the ability to enforce our short-term
interests that comes with it, in hope that our collective long-term interests will be better served by it.
This is going to mean intensive diplomacy and a building of American credibility to truly sell a vision of internationalism to the permanent members
of the security council and to major powers who have the regional clout to influence their neighbors in a vote of the general assembly. If we can get
virtually all of Europe, Russia, China, India, Japan, and Brazil on board, I believe we have a good chance of success. The primary challenge in doing
this will be convincing them that the new system really will be able to curb unilateralist efforts, ensuring that they aren't giving up their defense
against an American strategy or surrendering their sovereignty to a global agenda. The emphasis must be strictly and objectively on peace and justice
first, and we can later build onto that nucleus the organs for resolving smaller disputes.
I have a few other things to attend to this afternoon, so I hope I've gotten a good start on answering your questions. Please feel free to add
follow-ups.