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Confidence in U.S. public opinion polling was shaken by errors in 2016 and 2020. In both years’ general elections, many polls underestimated the strength of Republican candidates, including Donald Trump. These errors laid bare some real limitations of polling.
How big were the errors? Polls conducted in the last two weeks before the election suggested that Biden’s margin over Trump was nearly twice as large as it ended up being in the final national vote tally.
Errors of this size make it difficult to be confident about who is leading if the election is closely contested, as many U.S. elections are.
Polls are more useful to the public if people have realistic expectations about what surveys can do well – and what they cannot.
One change is that the number of active polling organizations has grown significantly, indicating that there are fewer barriers to entry into the polling field. The number of organizations that conduct national election polls more than doubled between 2000 and 2022.
Pollsters using inexpensive opt-in sampling methods. But previous Pew Research Center analyses have demonstrated how surveys that use nonprobability sampling may have errors twice as large, on average, as those that use probability sampling.
The second change is that many of the more prominent polling organizations that use probability sampling – including Pew Research Center – have shifted from conducting polls primarily by telephone to using online methods, or some combination of online, mail and telephone. The result is that polling methodologies are far more diverse now than in the past
Roughly a third of eligible Americans do not vote in presidential elections, despite the enormous attention paid to these contests. Determining who will abstain is difficult because people can’t perfectly predict their future behavior – and because many people feel social pressure to say they’ll vote even if it’s unlikely.
In your paper, you conclude that in order for polls to be 95% accurate just a week before an election, they should double the margin of error they report. Give an example.
Kotak: Let’s say a candidate is polling at 54% a week before the election, with a margin of error of plus-or-minus 3%. The 95% confidence interval implies a 95% chance that the candidate will win 51% to 57% of the vote. Our analysis shows that in reality, you’d have to double that margin of error to plus or minus 6% to get 95% accuracy. That means that the outcome is less certain; the candidate is likely to get anywhere from 48% to 60% of the vote.
Don, as an expert on overconfidence, why do you think the confidence intervals reported by pollsters are so consistently overconfident? Why don’t they increase the margins of error?
Moore: I think poll results are overconfident for many of the same reasons that everyday human judgments are overconfident: We are wrong for reasons that we fail to anticipate. The electorate is changing, and prior elections are imperfect predictors of future elections. When we are wrong about the future and don’t know it, we will make overconfident predictions.
Why do polls include a margin of error and a confidence interval, and what do they tell us?
Aditya Kotak: Both the margin of error and the confidence interval capture “sampling error,” which represents how much the poll’s sample population might differ from the true population of voters. A confidence interval refers to how often the result is expected to fall within the range of the margin of error. It’s important to note, though, that the margin of error only reflects expected imperfections in random sampling, and ignores other sources of error.
You describe sampling error as a “statistical error.” What are some of the non-statistical errors that can make a poll less accurate?
Moore: Sometimes there is bias generated by the method by which pollsters reach respondents. If it’s random-digit dialing, for instance, it will only reach people who have phones and who answer them when pollsters call. If those people are different from those who vote, then the poll’s predictions might be biased.
I was trying to analyze where she came from.
originally posted by: nugget1
a reply to: rickymouse
I was trying to analyze where she came from.
Nigerian princess.
The men catfish, the women poll.
I listened to multiple accents, but none from Nigeria on You tube.
originally posted by: WeMustCare
a reply to: putnam6
Lots more pollsters, just like there are a lot more hurricane prediction models.
But there are polls that have good track records for President. One is better for 6 months out, another for 3 months out, and another for 30 before the election.
If placing a bet, the best bet is the most historically accurate poll for when you're placing that bet.
Right now, the most accurate poll for 60 days prior to the election, is the best.
originally posted by: putnam6
originally posted by: WeMustCare
a reply to: putnam6
Lots more pollsters, just like there are a lot more hurricane prediction models.
But there are polls that have good track records for President. One is better for 6 months out, another for 3 months out, and another for 30 before the election.
If placing a bet, the best bet is the most historically accurate poll for when you're placing that bet.
Right now, the most accurate poll for 60 days prior to the election, is the best.
Which polls are historically accurate?
and FWIW after 2020 I wouldn't bet a nickel on this election...
Source: www.publicpolicypolling.com...
So Democrats should feel good right? Yes…but very cautiously so. Right now Harris is running a point ahead of Biden 2020.
But let’s say that instead there was a small shift in the race and instead she actually ran a point behind Biden 2020.
That would flip Arizona, Georgia, and Wisconsin into the Trump column and give him a 272-266 Electoral College win even as Harris won the popular vote by 3 points.
Make it a 1.2 point shift in Trump’s direction and Pennsylvania goes red too for a 291-247 win.
Things are going great right now. But that’s how thin the line is. 1.4 point movement in a Democratic direction from 2020, Harris wins by 100 electoral votes. 1.2 point movement in a Republican direction from 2020, Trump wins by 44 electoral votes.
That’s why it’s so important to sustain the energy and momentum from convention week for another ten weeks.
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InteractivePolls
@IAPolls2022
#Latest
@NateSilver538
forecast (chance of winning)
August 14
🟦 Harris: 56.7%
🟥 Trump: 42.7%
.
August 31
🟥 Trump: 55.1%
🟦 Harris: 44.6%
——
Swing States: chance of winning
Pennsylvania - 🔴 Trump 55-45%
Nevada - 🔴 Trump 55-45%
Arizona - 🔴 Trump 65-35%
Georgia - 🔴 Trump 64-36%
North Carolina - 🔴 Trump 68-32%
Michigan - 🔵 Harris 53-47%
Wisconsin - 🔵 Harris 55-45%
——
@Polymarket
odds
🟥 Trump: 50%
🟦 Harris: 48%
Polymarket swing states odds 👇
polymarket.com...
originally posted by: WeMustCare
a reply to: putnam6
Don't believe what you see for Wisconsin.
originally posted by: Justoneman
originally posted by: WeMustCare
a reply to: putnam6
Don't believe what you see for Wisconsin.
As long as they get to count fake votes and not be challenged by the rules as written, we will see more of the deep state drones ruining our world.