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The Act empowers the President to activate special powers during a crisis but imposes certain procedural formalities when invoking such powers. The perceived need for the law arose from the scope and number of laws granting special powers to the executive in times of national emergency. Congress can terminate an emergency declaration with a joint resolution signed into law.[1] Powers available under this Act are limited to the 136 emergency powers Congress has defined by law.
The Global Magnitsky Act extends the sanctions stipulated by the original Magnitsky Act to human rights violators outside of Russia. Unlike the first law, this second law does not require the president to impose any sanctions. Instead, the global version gives the president the legal authority to institute a travel ban and asset freeze on human rights violators in any country, while leaving the president with the discretion to determine whether to do so.
originally posted by: jadedANDcynical
a reply to: ucanthandlethetruth
I'm still here, all of the single stars you've gotten are from me.
Imho, this is the most interesting and important thread on ATS right now even though it's probably the least responded to other than the OP adding additional info.
This thread should be on the front page but sadly the algorithm won't be triggered to place it there.
It's been almost eerie quiet on this thread so much that I worry off and on if I'm messing with things I shouldn't.
BARRICK GOLD U.S. INC.
Company Number
C0280155
Status
Active
Incorporation Date
16 November 1953 (over 65 years ago)
Company Type
DOMESTIC STOCK
Jurisdiction
California (US)
Registered Address
310 SOUTH MAIN STREET, SUITE 1150
SALT LAKE CITY UT 84101
United States
Agent Name
C T CORPORATION SYSTEM
Agent Address
818 W SEVENTH ST STE 930, LOS ANGELES, CA 90017
Directors / Officers
C T CORPORATION SYSTEM, agent
HARKEN OIL & GAS, INCORPORATED branch
Company Number
410047
Status
Revoked
Incorporation Date
3 September 1980 (almost 39 years ago)
Company Type
Profit Corporation
Jurisdiction
Mississippi (US)
Branch
Branch of Delaware (US) company
Agent Name
C T CORPORATION SYSTEM
Agent Address
118 NORTH CONGRESS STREET, JACKSON, MS 39205
Inactive Directors / Officers
ALAN G QUASHA, director
C T CORPORATION SYSTEM, agent
DAN MCFARLAND, treasurer
GEORGE W BUSH, director
JAYNE E FORD, vice president
LARRY E CUMMINGS, secretary
MIKEL D FAULKNER, director
MIKEL D FAULKNER, president
In October 2000, Browder's investigation pinpointed seven dubious transactions that stripped enormous value away from Gazprom. These seven companies - Purgaz, Rospan, Tarkosaleneftegaz, Sibneftegaz, Achimneftegaz, Vostokgaz, and Severneftegazprom - were worth $5,805 million to Gazprom, but were sold away for a total of $325 million between 1997 and 2001, a lost value of 5,480 million dollars. In losing these assets, Gazprom lost just under 10% of its total reserves, a quantity comparable in size to Exxon-Mobil's entire reserves worldwide.
U.S. received the Russian government’s response, including a 14-page document from Russia’s chief prosecutor, denying the request. As the basis for that decision, the response cited purported investigative findings that cleared Russian government officials of Browder’s allegations and that pinned the fraud scheme on personnel associated with “Investment Company-1,” including specific allegations against that company’s chief executive officer, identified as “CEO-1” and Russian lawyer Sergei Magnitsky.
Nawaday, a partner at Kelley Drye in New York, had previously worked as an assistant U.S. attorney in the Southern District of New York, where she had helped run a curious civil forfeiture case in which a Russian-owned real estate firm, Prevezon Holdings, allegedly used laundered money to acquire New York real estate. The money was believed to be the product of sham lawsuits in Russia and elsewhere; the scheme was discovered and reported by investor Bill Browder and Russian lawyer Sergei Magnitsky.
At the George Mason conference, Nawaday related an astonishing story about the Prevezon case, one she also discussed in detail this evening on a special edition of the Lawfare Podcast:
As Nawaday recounted, U.S. prosecutors had submitted a request to the Russian government for records pertinent to their money laundering case against Prevezon. The Russian government responded, refusing to provide documents, asserting that there was no connection between the tax fraud scheme and the allegedly fraudulent New York real estate purchases, and suggesting that Browder should be investigated instead. What Nawaday didn’t know during her time at SDNY was that her opposing counsel in the case, a woman named Natalia Veselnitskaya, had an extensive role in preparing Russia’s response to the SDNY’s document request, and that her role was memorialized in a series of emails between Veselnitskaya and Russian officials.
If the name Natalia Veselnitskaya sounds familiar, that’s because she’s the same Russian lawyer who showed up at the infamous Trump Tower meeting, at which she discussed “adoptions” with senior Trump campaign officials, having gotten the meeting by promising dirt on Hillary Clinton as part of the Russian government’s support for Trump. Whether Robert Mueller will show any kind of collusion between the Trump campaign and Russia in its 2016 election interference remains to be seen. What this indictment clearly shows, assuming the government can prove its case, is that Velnitskaya was definitely colluding with Russian government actors in the Prevezon case.
Nawaday said she was first shown the aforementioned emails as part of MSNBC’s reporting for a story in April 2018 by Richard Engel about Velsnitskaya’s connection to the Kremlin. Nawaday told MSNBC she was shocked by the emails, calling them “profoundly troubling and inappropriate.” She noted that the content, if confirmed, raised “serious questions about obstruction of justice.”
The subject of the indictment is not the Trump Tower meeting, after all. The case against Veselnitskaya was also not brought by Mueller, but by prosecutors in Nawaday’s old office—suggesting that the matter may simply involve misconduct unrelated to L’Affaire Russe. Nawaday says she doesn’t know of any connection.
Starting in 2014, Simpson and Veselnitskaya had both worked on the same side of the Prevezon case, in which the Justice Department accused the Cyprus-based Russian company of laundering hundreds of millions of dollars via New York real estate. Beginning in 2016, Simpson was working with a former British intelligence operative on another project — the Trump dossier.
The information that a Russian lawyer brought with her when she met Donald Trump Jr. in June 2016 stemmed from research conducted by Fusion GPS, the same firm that compiled the infamous Trump dossier, according to the lawyer and a source familiar with the matter.
In an interview with NBC News, Russian lawyer Natalia Veselnitskaya says she first received the supposedly incriminating information she brought to Trump Tower — describing alleged tax evasion and donations to Democrats — from Glenn Simpson, the Fusion GPS owner, who had been hired to conduct research in a New York federal court case.
A source with firsthand knowledge of the matter confirmed that the firm's research had been provided to Veselnitskaya as part of the case, which involved alleging money laundering by a Russian company called Prevezon.
This account casts Veselnitskaya's activities in a new light, challenging the notion that she was simply carrying talking points to Trump that originated with the Russian government.
Veselnitskaya told NBC News she has been cooperating with the Senate Judiciary Committee, which is investigating how the Trump dossier was compiled.
In sworn testimony before the Senate Judiciary Committee, Simpson admitted he dined with Veselnitskaya both the night before and the night after her infamous meeting with Donald Trump Jr. at Trump Tower in June 2016.
Simpson insists the two dinners sandwiching one of the seminal events in the Trump collusion narrative had nothing to do with the Trump Tower meeting, a claim many Republicans distrust.
In the interview, Simpson said his work for the American law firm BakerHostetler — which was representing Prevezon, a Russian holding company the US government accused of laundering money into New York City real estate — was focused "on trying to get William Browder to testify under oath about his role in this case and his activities in Russia."
Browder, a wealthy investor who renounced his US citizenship in 1998, has characterized Fusion's work for BakerHostetler as a "smear campaign" and tweeted on Tuesday that Simpson repeated "old and false Russian government attacks on me and Sergei Magnitsky."
"He then whitewashes his accused Russian money launderer clients who received money from the crime Sergei Magnitsky was killed over," Browder continued. "Glenn Simpson admits in his testimony to a number of facts that show he was part of the Russian anti Magnitsky lobbying campaign in D.C. that were summarized in our DOJ criminal complaint about his conduct filed in 2016."
In December 2016, Browder lodged a formal complaint with the Department of Justice alleging that Fusion's work for BakerHostetler on behalf of Prevezon violated disclosure requirements.
That complaint caught the eye of Republican Sen. Chuck Grassley, the chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, who in March wrote a letter to the acting deputy attorney general at the time, Dana Boente, demanding to know whether the Justice Department was investigating whether Fusion violated the Foreign Agents Registration Act.
A Russian-backed company involved in a decade-long drama that touched the highest levels of the U.S. and Russian governments has finally agreed with the U.S. on how to pay a multimillion dollar settlement of a U.S. lawsuit.
Prevezon Holdings Ltd. will make good on its $6 million obligation using escrowed funds from the seizure and sale of New York apartments, according to a filing Wednesday in Manhattan federal court.
Two Ukrainian banks took part in a tax fraud scheme involving Russian government officials that defrauded Russian taxpayers of US$230 million, laundered them through various banks and fake companies and transferred them to the West,
Bill Browder, the foreign investor who had hired Magnitsky persuaded several Western governments to introduce a law that bars individuals involved in human rights abuses and corruption from entering their countries, using their financial systems or owning any assets there. The law was named the Magnitsky Act.
OCCRP partner Slidstvo.Info obtained evidence that US $97 million of the Magnitsky case money passed through Ukrainian banks ARMA and Legbank. Transactions data was provided by the Russian center "Dossier".
Today, the U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) designated five individuals and one entity pursuant to the Sergei Magnitsky Rule of Law Accountability Act of 2012 (the Magnitsky Act). In addition, the U.S. Department of State issued its annual submission to Congress on the U.S. Government’s actions to implement the Magnitsky Act.
“Treasury continues to impose costs on those involved in the detention, abuse, and death of Sergei Magnitsky, and is committed to addressing broader human rights violations across Russia,” said Sigal Mandelker, Under Secretary of the Treasury for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence. “We are focused on holding accountable those responsible for atrocious acts within Russia, including the extrajudicial killing of Boris Nemtsov and the pervasive abuse of LGBTI persons in Chechnya.”
As a result of today’s actions, any property or interests in property of those designated within or that come within U.S. jurisdiction are blocked, and transactions by U.S. persons involving the designated persons are generally prohibited. Today’s action brings the total number of individuals or entities designated by OFAC pursuant to the Magnitsky Act to 55.
The people suspected of pulling the strings are still at large. But the search for the missing money continued by others after Magnitsky’s death, and is ongoing to this day. The Panama Papers, the database sent to Süddeutsche Zeitung by an anonymous source, now show that there are apparently connections between this web of money transactions and shell companies that Magnitsky uncovered, and one of the best friends of Russian President Vladimir Putin, namely cellist Sergei Roldugin.
...Magnitsky, who had uncovered the tax refund scheme in the first place, was arrested just a few days after having sought charges in this case. Interestingly enough, the policemen who had been accused of tax fraud by Magnitsky were the same to arrest Magnitsky. The authorities accused Magnitsky of having orchestrated the supposed tax fraud himself. He died prior to a trial under circumstances that have never been fully disclosed.
...The cellist Sergei Roldugin is godfather to Putin’s oldest daughter and was responsible for introducing the president to his future wife. According to the Panama Papers, the International Media Overseas, one of the many shell companies of Roldugin’s network, finalized a contract with the shell company Delco Networks, one of the shell companies allegedly utilized to transfer the diverted Russian taxes of the Magnitsky case in early 2008.
Research of the OCCRP has demonstrated that several million dollars of the presumed tax evasion case, spearheaded by Magnitsky, were transferred to the Delco company. But what happened to that money? Who received it in the end? That has, to this day, not been uncovered.
MR. SIMPSON: As it happens, Felix Sater was, you know, connected to the same Russian crime family that was at issue in the Prevezon case, which is the dominant Russian crime family in Russia and has a robust U.S. presence and is involved in a lot of crime and criminal activity in the United States and for many years was the — the leader of this family was on the FBI most wanted list and lives openly in Moscow as a fugitive from U.S. law for a very elaborate stock fraud.
MS. SAWYER: Who is that individual and family?
MR. SIMPSON: The first name is Semyon, the last name is Mogilevich. Mogilevich is sometimes referred to as the brainy Don because he runs very sophisticated schemes including, according to the FBI, involving natural gas pipelines in Europe, and he's wanted in connection with an elaborate stock fraud called YBM Magnex that was took place in the Philadelphia area.
You know, Russian organized crime is very different from Italian organized crime. It's much more sort of a hybrid kind of thing where they're involved in politics and banking and there's even a lot of connections between the mafia and the KGB or the FSB and cyber crime, things that the Italians sort of never figured out. Stock fraud in particular was the big thing in the U.S. In any event, all of that entered into my thinking when I saw that Donald Trump was in business with Felix Sater in the Trump Soho project and a number of other controversial condo projects.
MS. SAWYER: And what, if anything, did you conclude about the connection between and in the business dealings that then Candidate Trump had had with Mr. Sater?
MR. SIMPSON: Well, somewhat analogous to the Browder situation I found it notable this was something he didn't want to talk about and testified under oath he wouldn't know Felix if he ran into him in the street. That was not true. He knew him well and, in fact, continued to associate with him long after he learned of Felix's organized crime ties. So, you know, that tells you something about somebody. So I concluded that he was okay with that and that was a troubling thing. I also, you know, began to — I keep saying I, but we as a company began to look at where his money came from and, you know, that raised a lot of questions. We saw indications that some of the money came from Kazakhstan, among other places, and that some of it you just couldn't account for.
One of the chief oligarchs associated with the Yeltsin Family was Boris Berezovsky, who would later become a business partner with Neil Bush in a company called Ignite.
Sater’s attorney, Robert Wolf, spoke to Mother Jones after Sater did not appear for his scheduled closed-door testimony before the committee on Friday due to what Wolf, in a statement, said were “unexpected health reasons.” Sater’s no-show drew an announcement by the committee that they would subpoena him. Wolf called that decision “entirely unnecessary.” Sater told Politico that he had missed the interview because “he was feeling ill and slept through his alarm on Friday morning.”
Wolf told Mother Jones that Sater was disappointed when the panel postponed the April 10 hearing. “It was the most important day of his life,” Wolf said. “He was looking forward to it. He was proud to speak about his patriotism and his national security work. He was happy to answer any question they asked.” Wolf said had Sater had offered to appear in an open hearing on subsequent dates the committee offered and that he had also asked that Friday’s scheduled hearing be conducted in the open.
“I was always willing to testify publicly,” Sater told Mother Jones Thursday.
Patrick Boland, a spokesman for the committee, declined to comment on why Sater was not asked to testify in open session.
Through connections on Wall Street, Sater started a telecommunications company in Russia selling transatlantic cable for voice and data transmission from the newly democratic countries of the former Soviet Union to AT&T. During that era, the once-powerful Soviet military and intelligence services were in disarray. Large swaths of both were being privatized. A bevy of former military officers and intelligence operatives went to work for businessmen—some legitimate, some with ties to organized crime, all looking for a piece of the new Russian economy. One man, a senior Soviet military intelligence official in Afghanistan during the Red Army's occupation, took an interest in Sater and his telecom company.
Interestingly, the article names two of the FBI players working on this effort as Bruce Ohr and Christopher Steele.
"The attempt to flip Deripaska was part of a broader, clandestine American effort to gauge the possibility of gaining cooperation from roughly a half-dozen of Russia's richest men, nearly all of whom depend on Putin to maintain their wealth."
"The systemic effort to win the cooperation of the oligarchs, which has not previously been revealed, does not appear to have scored any success."
"In Deripaska's case, he told the American investigators he disagreed with their theories about Russian organized crime and Kremlin collusion in the campaign," a person familiar with the exchanges said. The person added that Deripaska even notified Kremlin about American efforts to cultivate him."
An unofficial investigation into RussiaGate has uncovered a shocking and previously-unknown new connection— a CIA-connected man who became instantly famous after the Boston Marathon bombing — involved in recent allegations against Trump associate Felix Sater that he laundered $440 million of stolen money for billionaire oligarchs in Kazakhstan through American real estate.
When Donald Trump filed suit yesterday to keep his business dealings with Germany’s criminal Deutsche Bank secret, it prompted a review of notes for clues that led to long-unanswered questions about why Mueller’s investigation showed no apparent interest in linking crimes Deutsche Bank was committing while Trump was doing business with the bank with a man with whom he had clear ties: Saudi arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi.
Another revelation sheds new light on suspicions about the connection between Felix Sater and the ultra-orthodox Jewish Chabad Lubavitch sect.
Karimova (pictured, left) with former US President Bill Clinton at an AIDS charity fundraising dinner in Antibes, France in 2009
originally posted by: EndtheMadnessNow
a reply to: ucanthandlethetruth
Wow, phenomenal thread!!
I haven't read all through it but did you catch this story? Sorry if you already added.
From May 1, 2019.
Trump, Khashoggi, Deutsche Bank, & Chabad Lubavitch
An unofficial investigation into RussiaGate has uncovered a shocking and previously-unknown new connection— a CIA-connected man who became instantly famous after the Boston Marathon bombing — involved in recent allegations against Trump associate Felix Sater that he laundered $440 million of stolen money for billionaire oligarchs in Kazakhstan through American real estate.
When Donald Trump filed suit yesterday to keep his business dealings with Germany’s criminal Deutsche Bank secret, it prompted a review of notes for clues that led to long-unanswered questions about why Mueller’s investigation showed no apparent interest in linking crimes Deutsche Bank was committing while Trump was doing business with the bank with a man with whom he had clear ties: Saudi arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi.
Another revelation sheds new light on suspicions about the connection between Felix Sater and the ultra-orthodox Jewish Chabad Lubavitch sect.
Khashoggi may have been inspired by Gezi, but back then he could also afford to alienate Turkey’s leader. Saudi Arabia’s King Abdullah was still alive, Saudis and Qataris were working together in Syria, and the Muslim Brotherhood was running Egypt. Khashoggi himself was in a good position in Riyadh, but his connections were not to Mohammed (at that time an adviser and then chief of staff to his father) but to the “Faisal clan — Turki and his brother Saud al-Faisal, the longtime Saudi foreign minister,” according to Maggie Mitchell Salem, one of Khashoggi’s friends, who spoke recently to David Ignatius of the Washington Post.
But the geopolitics shifted quickly. Morsi was toppled by the military in the summer of 2013, one year after being elected president. King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia, who was working with Erdoğan in Syria, died in 2015. And Mohammed, who became the de facto leader of Saudi Arabia, joined Egypt and UAE to pursue a war against the Muslim Brotherhood everywhere in the region. A war of regional hegemony erupted between two Sunni camps: Turkey and Qatar on one side, and Saudis, Egyptians and Emiratis on the other.
In November 2017, the crown prince began his purge, arresting more than 200 princes, ministers and businessmen and holding them for weeks at the Ritz-Carlton Hotel in Riyadh on anticorruption charges. Khashoggi’s ties in the palace were cut. The purge swept up Prince Alwaleed bin Talal too, a Saudi billionaire who two years earlier had provided Khashoggi with financial support to establish a new television channel in Bahrain. The two had become so close that Khashoggi posted pictures that he took of them traveling together to Paris and Bahrain. When Crown Prince Mohammed arrested Alwaleed, Khashoggi spoke up. In his Washington Post column, he compared the ruler’s actions to Putin’s.
"I have risked my life to try to protect our country for over 20 years in situations and places that would make your hair stand on end," he said. "The insinuation that I would get together with anyone, especially Russia of all places or any other country in the world, for the detriment of our country is not only insulting but laughable." - Associated Press, 03.24.19
It was 2006, I was still working for Columbia University, and the former spy was rambling on about Gene Phillips, secret meetings in Costa Rica, a guy working out of the Israeli embassy in San Jose, a Goldman Sachs alum involved with Stinger missile sales to Pakistan, and something about REITs and mortgages – none of which was of particular interest to me at the time. I ignored that former spy. I thought he seemed a bit suspect, and I escorted him out of my office, thinking the meeting was nothing more than a strange occurrence. Days later, I had forgotten completely about the former spy, and had resumed work on my story. I thought the story would expose a big scandal, but I didn’t yet know what I was getting into. I figured the scandal was pretty straight forward: a network of hedge funds using unscrupulous tactics (like planting false stories with compliant journalists) to attack public companies, most of them companies in their earlier stages of development. In my spare time, I had begun looking into the Mafia’s involvement in market manipulation, but I didn’t yet know that the Mafia had anything to do with the Milken network. I figured maybe I’d write a separate story about the Mafia. But I never wrote that story. And I never produced the story about the Milken network and compliant journalists that I had promised to write for the Columbia Journalism Review. I did not write those stories because soon after my meeting with the former spy in September 2006, there were some additional strange occurrences, the first of which was a call that I received from a Mob enforcer who knew something about the death of a notorious short-side market manipulator named Alain Chalem, who had been murdered execution-style in 1999. I agreed to meet the Mob enforcer, whom I will not describe in detail because it would reveal his identity. Indeed, I do not want to describe him to you, because he haunts my thoughts, he is a nervous twitch, something unsettling. In short, if I were to tell you that he had white eyes, sharp teeth, and rabid drool dripping from his mouth, it would only be a slight exaggeration. This rabid dog-man was a close friend of Alain Chalem, and he had been with Chalem on the night before Chalem’s murder. On that night, according to the rabid-dog man, Chalem had met with a man named Mikhail Sheferofsky, and there had been an argument concerning a naked short selling scam that Chalem was running with the Russian Mob. Indeed, Chalem had been part of an extensive Russian Mafia market manipulation network that involved the Russian government. But I didn’t know that yet. I did some research on Michael Sheferofsky, but I didn’t find anything right away, so I returned to my work investigating the Milken network. I had no idea at this point that Sheferofsky was, in fact, an important member of the Milken network. At any rate, I was now spending most of my time making calls, asking sources what I thought to be fairly innocuous questions about SAC Capital, and relationships among some hedge funds and corrupt financial journalists. At this point, I knew that SAC Capital chief Steve Cohen was a close associate of Milken, but I didn’t yet know that he and Russian Mafia boss Felix Sater (the guy who escaped jail time by telling the Feds he could introduce them to his contacts in Russian intelligence and Al Qaeda) had been among the select partner-traders (along with the other Milken cronies I mentioned before) at the Milken-financed Mafia brokerage Gruntal & Co. In addition to my inquiries about SAC Capital, I had also just told a CNBC spokesman that I had information that Milken’s most famous criminal co-conspirator, Ivan Boesky, was back in the game. CNBC’s Jim Cramer (host of “Mad Money”) had once planned to run a hedge fund out of Boesky’s offices, and by this time I had established that Cramer was helping the Milken network manipulate stocks. I didn’t yet know at this time that Boesky had spent a year in Iran currying favor with the Islamic regime. I didn’t know that after prison, Boesky had moved to Russia, where he cemented ties to the Russian Mafia, including Felix Sater’s associates in the Mogilevich organization. And I didn’t know that Boesky and Ali Nazerali (hedge fund partner of Osama bin Laden’s favorite financier) had met recently at the offices of Lines Overseas Management, an off-shore hedge fund and brokerage outfit. Though the former spy had told me about the Milken meetings in Costa Rica, I did not yet know that Nazerali had attended them. But I had recently met the former spy and the rabid dog-man, and I was making a lot of phone calls about Ivan Boesky and SAC Capital. After one long day of work, I headed to my neighborhood bar for a drink, maybe two. While I was sitting at the bar, three guys in slick suits entered and sat down next to me. One of them announced that he was a former employee of Ivan Boesky – Michael Milken’s famous criminal co-conspirator. I thought, “Wow, what luck! I will have to ask this guy some questions.” But before I could get a word out, this supposed former Boesky employee proceeded to tell me a story about a guy who was savagely murdered after he was caught peeking into the dressing rooms of the ladies underwear department at Saks Fifth Avenue. As soon as he finished telling this strange story about the underpants murder, the supposed former Boesky employee and his friends, having never ordered a drink, got up and departed. This, it seemed to me, was a strange occurrence. Indeed, it crossed my mind that I might have been threatened. Telling a story about an underpants murder at Saks Fifth Avenue was a peculiar way to convey a threat, but anything seemed possible. I asked a bartender if he knew who the guys in the slick suits were, and he said: “No, and I don’t wanna know, either.” That was not encouraging, but I shrugged it off. I finished my drink, and by the next day I had determined that there was no way I had been threatened. I thought maybe I was losing my mind, so I tried to keep it together, and I continued the investigation. Still, I told some people about the encounter, marveling at how strange it was that this supposed former Boesky employee would have told me about an underpants murder in, of all places, Saks Fifth Avenue. Some people remarked that SAC Capital, the hedge fund I had been investigating, was often referred to as “Saks”. So maybe I’d received a coded threat from SAC Capital. After all, I was closely collaborating with Patrick Byrne, who at this point had become quite famous for his crusade against “miscreant” short sellers who were manipulating the markets. And Patrick had issued a coded threat of his own, publicly announcing (in an interview with BusinessWeek magazine and in other forums) that he was going to — hint, hint — “sack up” to the name of a big hedge fund that was clearly a central figure in the criminal network. Everyone except me seemed to know that Patrick’s “sack up” hint was a reference to SAC Capital, sometimes known as “Sack,” other times known as “Saks.” As it happens, SAC Capital is now (as of this writing in 2011) the principal target of the largest insider trading investigation ever conducted by the FBI. Of course, for one to think that it is possible he has received a coded threat, is for one to think that he is not thinking straight. So at this point I was in a state of some confusion. This state of confusion only worsened when, a few days later, I received what seemed like another threat. It was Halloween day, and I was in Chicago, visiting family and taking care of a five-year old. I had just handed the child back to his mother, and had gone into a big chain book store to do some work on my laptop. I was, at this point, no more than three weeks away from publishing my first story about the Milken network of hedge funds. Or so I thought. While I was typing in the book store, an ordinary looking guy in khakis sat down next to me and announced, apropos of nothing, that everyone should take better care of their relatives. This was followed by a long silence, after which he said that it so happened that he had seen me with one of my relatives, and I should take better care of this particular relative. Then the man made a somewhat dramatic display of slamming a book on the table. It was one of those thick, encyclopedic books with glossy photographs. On the cover, the book said, in big letters — “THE MAFIA”.
This was almost certainly because Gary Weiss and Berezovsky were old friends. At a minimum, Gary’s other close friends, such as Russian Mafia boss Felix Sater, are on extremely close terms with Berezovsky. At one point in the 1990s, Felix brokered a deal for Berezovsky to buy Salomon Brothers, then one of the biggest investment banks in America. In the end, though, the deal didn’t happen.
So, yes, after I was jumped, and after Kingsford Capital paid off my employers, I went into a sort of temporary seclusion.
A few weeks into my convalescence, U.S. Senator Orinn Hatch summoned my colleague Patrick Byrne to his home in Utah. The first thing the Senator said when Patrick walked through the door was that he was worried. He had looked into some of the people Patrick was calling attention to, and he was seriously alarmed because he thought Patrick might be murdered.
A month or so after that, an offshore businessman who had provided some information to our investigation received in the mail a beautiful, lacquered, Russian matryoshka doll. And inside this doll, there was a slip of paper. On the paper was the letter “F” — with a cross on it. The businessman knew right away that the letter “F” stood for “Felix” – Felix Sater. The businessman said he had called Felix Sater to see what the deal was with the doll. And after talking to Felix, the businessman invited Patrick Byrne to a greasy spoon diner in Long Island. It was urgent, said the businessman — so Patrick made haste.
And when Patrick arrived at the diner (along with two other people, who can testify to this) the offshore businessman, discarding with formalities, said, “This meeting can be very short. I have a message for you from Russia.” The message, said the businessman, was this: “‘We are about to kill you. We are about to kill you.’ Patrick, they are going to kill you – if you do not stop this crusade [the investigation into destructive market manipulation], they will kill you. Normally they’d have already hurt you as a warning, but you’re so weird, they don’t know how you’d react. So their first step is, they’re just going to kill you.”
According to the businessman, this threat had come straight from the mouth of Felix Sater. At almost precisely the same time that Felix delivered this threat, the corrupt journalist Gary Weiss wrote a blog stating that Felix seemed to be basically a good guy who had obviously reformed since the days when he was nothing more than a small-time “penny stock” fraudster (as opposed to a top boss in the Russian Mafia who seemed to have ties to Russian intelligence and Al Qaeda).
This has been a consistent pattern ever since Weiss wrote his “Mob on Wall Street” article. He covers up, and at times assists, the crimes of his sources (such as Felix Sater, Anthony Elgindy, and Manuel Asensio), while trashing their enemies.
At the time when Patrick received the death threat, we had no idea who Felix Sater was. Now, of course, we know some things about Felix. We know, for example, that he is a Russian Mafia boss affiliated with the Mogilevich organization, which stands accused of everything from market manipulation to attempted sales of highly enriched uranium to Al Qaeda.
We know that in the 1980s Felix was a trading partner of Steve Cohen (future head of SAC Capital, also known as “Saks”) at the Milken-financed Mafia brokerage, Gruntal & Company.
We also know that Sater now runs Bayrock, an outfit that has a partnership with Apollo, the fund controlled by Leon Black, who is one of Milken’s closest associates. Apollo employs Milken’s son, Lance.
Bayrock’s former CFO, Jody Kriss, has filed a lawsuit in which he claims that Felix once threatened to torture him to death, and that Bayrock is (according to Kriss) is a massive money laundering operation.
A source close to Bayrock has told us that Felix has laundered money for Steve Cohen.
We also know that one of Bayrock’s other partners is The Sapir Organization, run by Russian Mafia boss Tamir Sapir, who used to run what he has called a “Crazy Eddie’s” for Russian spies – a one stop shop where KGB operatives in New York could buy high-tech electronics equipment.
Sapir’s partner in that business, recall, was Semion Kislin, who has been named as a close business associate of “Little Japanese” – the one-time top boss of the Russian Mafia in the United States.
The Sapir Organization is in the real estate business. Its large property portfolio was, for a long time, managed by Frederick Contini, whom the government has named as an associate of the Genovese Mafia family.
In 2008, Contini entered a secret plea to racketeering. He has also faced charges for stabbing a man in the face with the stem of a broken wine glass. Felix Sater, of course, was also once charged with stabbing a man in the face with the stem of a broken wine glass. It seems to be the thing to do.
Source: Investopedia
One extremely well-known facet of high-yield bonds, or junk bonds, is that they are particularly vulnerable to stressed market conditions like those that emerge during a depression or recession, such as the recession of 2008. This vulnerability to stress in the market, as revealed by many studies, is indeed more pronounced in the junk bond market than with investment-grade bonds.
Remember junk bonds? They’re back. We haven’t heard too much the so called “high yield debt market” since the 1980s and Michael Milken. But the high risk, potentially high-return securities known as junk bonds are behind a good chunk of current market volatility. Many of them are in the energy sector, which issued lots of debt in the aftermath of the 2008 crisis and are now at increasing risk of being downgraded or even going bust as oil prices collapse. Indeed, as Moody’s recently warned, some of the world’s biggest firms, like Royal Dutch Shell, Total, and Chesapeake Energy, are among the 175 firms that are at risk of ratings downgrades thanks to plunges in commodity prices.
Milken was indicted for racketeering and securities fraud in 1989 in an insider trading investigation. As the result of a plea bargain, he pleaded guilty to securities and reporting violations but not to racketeering or insider trading. Milken was sentenced to ten years in prison, fined $600 million, and permanently barred from the securities industry by the Securities and Exchange Commission. His sentence was later reduced to two years for cooperating with testimony against his former colleagues and for good behavior.[4]
Supporters, like George Gilder in his book, Telecosm (2000), state that "Milken was a key source of the organizational changes that have impelled economic growth over the last twenty years. Most striking was the productivity surge in capital, as Milken ... and others took the vast sums trapped in old-line businesses and put them back into the markets."[5] Since his release from prison, Milken has funded medical research.[6]