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originally posted by: OccamsRazor04
originally posted by: Greven
a reply to: OccamsRazor04
The SCOTUS has been majority Republican since 1970, as I recollect.
They refused any change to that. Democrats were pissed that Republicans refused to let Obama fill the seat.
The Democrats who previously argued no seat should be filled during an election season? Now what does that have to do with my post?
originally posted by: OccamsRazor04
originally posted by: Greven
a reply to: OccamsRazor04
The SCOTUS has been majority Republican since 1970, as I recollect.
They refused any change to that. Democrats were pissed that Republicans refused to let Obama fill the seat.
The Democrats who previously argued no seat should be filled during an election season? Now what does that have to do with my post?
originally posted by: OccamsRazor04
a reply to: Greven
They said the President SHOULD wait .. meaning Obama SHOULD have waited .. meaning the Democrats' opinion is that Obama was in the wrong, and being that it SHOULD have waited they should have supported the Republicans call to .. wait. So what happened is exactly what the Democrats said SHOULD happen. So why are they so bitter?
You posted literally nothing to contradict my point.
and that it was “essential” that the Senate refuse to confirm a nominee to the court until then.
originally posted by: Greven
a reply to: OccamsRazor04
You''ve made the claim that Biden argued such that Bush wouldn't get the nominee.
Prove it - with Biden's words. Good luck, because this is what he said:
President Should 'Not Name A Nominee Until After The November Election'
TRANSCRIPT - June 25, 1992:
Given the unusual rancor that prevailed in the Thomas nomination, the need for some serious reevaluation of the nomination and confirmation process and the overall level of bitterness that sadly infects our political system and this Presidential campaign already, it is my view that the prospects for anything but conflagration with respect to a Supreme Court nomination this year are remote at best.
Of Presidents Reagan's and Bush's last seven selections of the Court, two were not confirmed and two more were approved with the most votes cast against them in the history of the United States of America.
We have seen how, Mr. President, in my view, politics has played far too large a role in the Reagan-Bush nominations to date. One can only imagine that role becoming overarching if a choice were made this year, assuming a Justice announced tomorrow that he or she was stepping down.
Should a Justice resign this summer and the President move to name a successor, actions that will occur just days before the Democratic Presidential Convention and weeks before the Republican Convention meets, a process that is already in doubt in the minds of many will become distrusted by all. Senate consideration of a nominee under these circumstances is not fair to the President, to the nominee, or to the Senate itself.
Mr. President, where the Nation should be treated to a consideration of constitutional philosophy, all it will get in such circumstances is partisan bickering and political posturing from both parties and from both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue. As a result, it is my view that if a Supreme Court Justice resigns tomorrow, or within the next several weeks, or resigns at the end of the summer, President Bush should consider following the practice of a majority of his predecessors and not--and not--name a nominee until after the November election is completed.
The Senate, too, Mr. President, must consider how it would respond to a Supreme Court vacancy that would occur in the full throes of an election year. It is my view that if the President goes the way of Presidents Fillmore and Johnson and presses an election-year nomination, the Senate Judiciary Committee should seriously consider not scheduling confirmation hearings on the nomination until after the political campaign season is over.
I sadly predict, Mr. President, that this is going to be one of the bitterest, dirtiest, Presidential campaigns we will have seen in modern times.
I am sure, Mr. President, after having uttered these words some will criticize such a decision and say it was nothing more than an attempt to save the seat on the Court in the hopes that a Democrat will be permitted to fill it, but that would not be our intention, Mr. President, if that were the course to choose in the Senate to not consider holding hearings until after the election. Instead, it would be our pragmatic conclusion that once the political season is under way, and it is, action on a Supreme Court nomination must be put off until after the election campaign is over. That is what is fair to the nominee and is central to the process. Otherwise, it seems to me, Mr. President, we will be in deep trouble as an institution.
Others may fret that this approach would leave the Court with only eight members for some time, but as I see it, Mr. President, the cost of such a result, the need to reargue three or four cases that will divide the Justices four to four are quite minor compared to the cost that a nominee, the President, the Senate, and the Nation wouldhave to pay for what would assuredly be a bitter fight, no matter how good a person is nominated by the President, if that nomination were to take place in the next several weeks.
In the end, this may be the only course of action that historical practice and practical realism can sustain.
Similarly, if Governor Clinton should win this fall, then my views on the need for philosophic compromise between the branches would not be softened, but rather the prospects for such compromise would be naturally enhanced. With this in mind, let me start with the nomination process and how that process might be changed in the next administration, whether it is a Democrat or a Republican.
It seems clear to me that within the Bush administration, the process of selecting Supreme Court nominees has become dominated by the right intent on using the Court to implement an ultraconservative social agenda that the Congress and the public have rejected. In this way, all the participants in the process can be clear well in advance of how I intend to approach any future nominations.
originally posted by: jimmyx
originally posted by: FauxMulder
originally posted by: Sillyolme
It could play against them in the future.
I agree and it probably will.
Sad that even a SCOTUS nomination has become so partisan that this has to be considered. The nuclear option has been used before but not for a SCOTUS.
Gorsuch really inst bad at all. I think the dems are wasting their time fighting this. Obama got 2 justices that IMO are far more partisan than Gorsuch without all this hoopla
2 justices?....so?.....hey, I know....make it a law that the supreme court CANNOT have more than 4 liberal justices on the court at anytime in the future....that way, the republicans can control the entire government for ever and ever.....and then do away with every law that was passed by liberals for the last 200 years.....and only then, the crybaby republicans can have their plutocratic oligarchy....AND IT WILL FINALLY BE SPRINGTIME IN AMERICA!!!!....zeik heil...click click
originally posted by: Greven
a reply to: OccamsRazor04
Point out the timestamp where he you think he says they should reject any nominee
“It would be our pragmatic conclusion that once the political season is underway, and it is, action on a Supreme Court nomination must be put off until after the election campaign is over.
“That is what is fair to the nominee and essential to the process. Otherwise, it seems to me,” he added, “we will be in deep trouble as an institution.”
originally posted by: AugustusMasonicus
originally posted by: Greven
What makes you think those rules won't change now, too?
I'll worry about it if it happens.
“At this point, there is not a majority for ending the legislative filibuster,” Cruz said. “My hope is the Democrats will stop their unreasonable across-the-board obstruction and allow the Senate to operate. If they continue an immovable blockade, I suspect the votes will shift on that question.”
...
After he voted alongside his Republican colleagues to end the SCOTUS filibuster, the 30-year Senate veteran argued last week that the end of the legislative filibuster was inevitable. McCain told reporters the move signified “the end of the unique role that the Senate plays.”
“It's a slippery slope,” McCain warned. “We will all live to regret it.”
...
“It's a matter of when,” Franks told IJR. “The only question is: will Republicans wake up in time to give the American people just a little glimpse of what Republican policy looks like, or will we hand it back to the Democrats because of a stalemated, gridlocked legislative process for the next four years?”
Franks continued that if Republicans waited, Democrats would gain control of the Senate, blow up the rules themselves, “and what's left of America will be no more.”