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originally posted by: windword
a reply to: infolurker
I wonder if citizens who have been found to have voted in 2 counties or states will also receive an 8 year sentence.
originally posted by: Krazysh0t
a reply to: Grambler
Yes. Obama's immigration policy was nuanced. Is that supposed to be a bad thing?
originally posted by: windword
a reply to: infolurker
I wonder if citizens who have been found to have voted in 2 counties or states will also receive an 8 year sentence.
As discussed throughout the report, family and household circumstances, as well as the general climate toward immigrants and the policy environment that immigrants enter, are critical in determining patterns and processes of social and economic integration for the second generation and beyond. In addition to the parents’ own legal status, age and date of arrival, and time spent in the United States, other key variables affecting the integration of the second generation include whether both parents were foreign-born; what language is spoken at home; household socioeconomic and demographic composition; and general indicators of parental health, education, occupation, and income. In addition, more distal variables such as the general policy environment toward immigrants (welcoming or restrictive), neighborhood characteristics, the types of schools attended; and the availability and quality of English-as-a-Second-Language (ESL) programs and other social and health services affect immigrant integration and should be measured with respect to immigrant-descendent generation.
In general, resources accessible to children within the household while growing up can be expected to play an outsized role in determining the
Page 424
Suggested Citation: "10 Data on Immigrants and Immigrant Integration." National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine. 2015. The Integration of Immigrants into American Society. Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/21746.
×
nature and extent of their later integration into American society. For older children of immigrants who no longer live at home, of course, a specific question on the birthplace of parents is required to identify members of the second generation but rarely is much additional information gathered about the parents or the family in which they came of age. Despite this information gap, circumstances in the family of origin are nonetheless critical to understanding current trajectories of integration among adult members of the second generation, underscoring the need for longitudinal data in studies of immigrant integration, especially in the second generation.
The second generation may be identified in one of two ways. Minor children of immigrants are easily identified as long as they remain in the household of their immigrant parents, who are themselves identified from the birthplace question. The adult children of immigrants, however, must be identified using a separate question on the birthplace of parents: a question that was asked on every Decennial Census from 1870 to 1970 but was eliminated on the 1980, 1990, and 2000 census forms and was not included on the ACS in 2010. Since 1996 a parental birthplace item has been asked in the March supplement to the CPS, but the small sample size makes it difficult to create reliable estimates for most second generation immigrant populations (for one potential method, see Ramakrishnan, 2005), especially at the state and local level. There are other limitations to the CPS that limit its usefulness for substate-level analysis: more than a third of county level identifiers are not available in the public release of the CPS due to concerns about privacy; other data might be available only through a handful of restricted data centers
At present there is no reliable source of information on adult second generation immigrants based on a large, nationally representative sample. As noted in Chapter 6, because the U.S. Census Bureau data relies on self-identification of race and Hispanic origin and because identity is related to socioeconomic status, the identification of the second and especially the third and higher generations may be increasingly inaccurate and may introduce systematic errors in measurements of intergenerational mobility.
To fill the gap, private organizations led by the Russell Sage Foundation have funded a series of specialized surveys of second generation immigrants in San Diego and Miami (Portes and Rumbaut, 2014), New York (Kasinitz et al., 2008), and Los Angeles (Brown et al., 2011). Telles and Ortiz (2008) used a survey of Mexican Americans in California and Texas, originally conducted in 1965, and then relocated the original respondents and their descendants. They demonstrated that having information on biological generations—tracing great-grandfathers, grandfathers, fathers, and sons—yielded a different trajectory of integration than measuring generation as time since immigration and examining cross-sectional differences among individuals of different immigrant generations but similar age cohorts. In
Page 425
Suggested Citation: "10 Data on Immigrants and Immigrant Integration." National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine. 2015. The Integration of Immigrants into American Society. Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/21746.
×
addition, Grusky and colleagues (2015) recently recommended the creation of an “American Opportunity Study” to develop the capacity to link records across the Decennial Census, the ACS, and administrative records (see Box 10-1). These linkages would significantly enhance researchers’ ability to monitor social mobility across generations, a key component in the measurement of immigrant integration. Overall, the lack of a parental birthplace on the ACS and its absence from the 1980-2000 census long forms constitutes a huge gap in the nation’s statistical system and is the largest single barrier to studying the intergenerational integration of immigrants (Massey, 2010). As the third generation grows in size, the lack of a question on grandparents’ place of birth also means that researchers are unable to trace intergenerational integration as it advances beyond the
children of immigrants. During the greatest period of mass immigration since the early 20th century, when the population of immigrants rose from 14 to 40 million and the second generation proliferated, the nation has lacked a reliable means of assessing the progress and characteristics of the children of immigrants.
originally posted by: Grambler
originally posted by: Krazysh0t
a reply to: Grambler
What does a "vulnerable boarder" mean exactly?
It means that it is open to all sorts of people crossing it. Some people well intended that are just illegal immigrants, some not so much like drug dealers.
The current evidence suggests that the second and third generations are integrating linguistically at roughly the same rates as their historical predecessors, with complete switch to English and loss of the ability to speak the immigrant language generally occurring within three generations (Alba et al., 2002; Alba, 2005; Portes and Hao, 1998). However, there are differences based on immigrants’ first language; specifically, Spanish-speakers and their descendants appear to be integrating more slowly in terms of both gaining English language and losing the ability to speak the immigrant language than other immigrant groups (Alba, 2005; Borjas, 2013).
originally posted by: Krazysh0t
originally posted by: Grambler
originally posted by: Krazysh0t
a reply to: Grambler
What does a "vulnerable boarder" mean exactly?
It means that it is open to all sorts of people crossing it. Some people well intended that are just illegal immigrants, some not so much like drug dealers.
So how is that any different than how the boarder has always been? The country didn't fall apart before, why is it suddenly under threat now? Heck, Obama wasn't even the first to give deference to the illegals. Reagan legalized tons of them, and his policy was just a blanket legalization. no nuance on who is and isn't allowed to stay. Just legalize all of them across the board.
Chris Crane, president of the National Immigration and Customs Enforcement Council...
“The day-to day duties of ICE agents and officers often seem in conflict with the law as ICE officers are prohibited from enforcing many laws enacted by Congress; laws they took an oath to enforce,” he said. “ICE is now guided in large part by influences of powerful special interest groups that advocate on behalf of illegal aliens.”
originally posted by: Tranceopticalinclined
a reply to: infolurker
8 years and 5,000 dollar fine?
But rapists and murders only get 5 or less. ( yes do a search for each, 5 years for physical violence some people get and this women gets 8 years for voting wrong? )
originally posted by: Tranceopticalinclined
a reply to: infolurker
8 years and 5,000 dollar fine?
But rapists and murders only get 5 or less. ( yes do a search for each, 5 years for physical violence some people get and this women gets 8 years for voting wrong? )
originally posted by: windword
a reply to: infolurker
I wonder if citizens who have been found to have voted in 2 counties or states will also receive an 8 year sentence.
originally posted by: infolurker
Looks like an example is being set for voter fraud. It will be an interesting few years if there is actually an effort to go find the fraudsters and charge them.
dfw.cbslocal.com...
He points out his niece has spent almost her entire life in the U.S. Her attorney said she has a learning disability and was confused about the difference between being a citizen and a legal resident, so she thought she was allowed to vote.
“The jury didn’t believe that story. They believed that the defendant knew exactly what she was doing, and they responded accordingly,” Prosecutor Jonathan White said.
White told CBS11, when Ortega tried to register to vote in Tarrant County, she admitted she was not a citizen, so her application was rejected. When she told them she had already been voting in Dallas County, that’s when investigators started looking into her case. Defense attorney Clark Bidsall said his client’s case has been politicized and now Ortega has a difficult road ahead even after her sentence.
“Once she gets out of prison and she’s deported, does she bring her four minor children to Mexico? As a mother I think that would be a difficult choice for her,” Birdsall said.
“It’s going to be a big impact for them because now they’re going to have to go over there to visit their momma,” Felipe Ortega added.
Prosecutors said whether this case prompts elections officials to verify citizenship is an issue for the legislature. CBS11 asked Dallas elections officials to comment on the case, but they have not gotten back to us.
The jury also gave Ortega a $5,000 fine.