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Concerned about the militarization of law enforcement, a source within the intelligence community has provided The Intercept with a secret, internal U.S. government catalogue of dozens of cellphone surveillance devices used by the military and by intelligence agencies. Some of the devices are already in use by federal law enforcement and local police forces domestically, and civil liberties advocates believe others will eventually find their way into use inside the U.S. This product catalogue provides rare insight into the current spy capabilities of local law enforcement and offers a preview of the future of mass surveillance of mobile communications.
The product descriptions contained in this catalogue were taken verbatim from the text of the original government documents and may include typos and other errors
Among the 53 items are the now-familiar Stingray I/II surveillance boxes. They're billed as the "dragnet surveillance workhorse [that] has been deployed for years by numerous local law enforcement agencies across the United States." It has a range of 200 meters and sells for $134,000. A chief selling point is the "ready-made non-disclosure agreements from the FBI and Harris Corp. [that] will provide a pretext for concealing these features from the public." The listing also touts Harris' "next-generation Hailstorm, a must-have for cracking the 4G LTE network."
A few of the devices can house a “target list” of as many as 10,000 unique phone identifiers. Most can be used to geolocate people, but the documents indicate that some have more advanced capabilities, like eavesdropping on calls and spying on SMS messages. Two systems, apparently designed for use on captured phones, are touted as having the ability to extract media files, address books, and notes, and one can retrieve deleted text messages.
Above all, the catalogue represents a trove of details on surveillance devices developed for military and intelligence purposes but increasingly used by law enforcement agencies to spy on people and convict them of crimes. The mass shooting earlier this month in San Bernardino, California, which President Barack Obama has called “an act of terrorism,” prompted calls for state and local police forces to beef up their counterterrorism capabilities, a process that has historically involved adapting military technologies to civilian use. Meanwhile, civil liberties advocates and others are increasingly alarmed about how cellphone surveillance devices are used domestically and have called for a more open and informed debate about the trade-off between security and privacy—despite a virtual blackout by the federal government on any information about the specific capabilities of the gear.
“We’ve seen a trend in the years since 9/11 to bring sophisticated surveillance technologies that were originally designed for military use—like Stingrays or drones or biometrics—back home to the United States,” said Jennifer Lynch, a senior staff attorney at the Electronic Frontier Foundation, which has waged a legal battle challenging the use of cellphone surveillance devices domestically. “But using these technologies for domestic law enforcement purposes raises a host of issues that are different from a military context.”
If you’ve ever filed a public records request with your local police department to learn more about how cell-site simulators are used in your community—chances are good that the FBI knows about it. And the FBI will attempt to “prevent disclosure” of such information.
In the event that the Minnesota Bureau of Criminal Apprehension receives a request pursuant to the Freedom of Information Act (5 USC 552) or an equivalent state or local law, the civil or criminal discovery process, or other judicial, legislative, or administrative process, to disclose information concerning the Harris Corporation [REDACTED] the Minnesota Bureau of Criminal Apprehension will immediately notify the FBI of any such request telephonically and in writing in order to allow sufficient time for the FBI to seek to prevent disclosure through appropriate channels.
In a letter, sent to President Obama from Rep. Dave Trott (MI-11), Rep. Candice Miller (MI-10), Rep. Mike Bishop (MI-08), Rep. John Moolenaar (MI-04), Bill Huizenga (MI-02), and Fred Upton (MI-06), the lawmakers urged the administration to rescind its plan to recall vehicles under the 1033 Program, which allows the transfer of excess military equipment to civilian law enforcement agencies.
Review by Jennifer Lynch Senior Staff Attorney, Electronic Frontier Foundation Are you trying to monitor a huge political protest? Look no further than DRT. Nicknamed “dirt boxes,” these devices can locate up to 10,000 targets and can process multiple analog and digital wireless devices all at the same time. They’re even capable of intercepting and recording digital voice data. The best thing about the devices is the fact that no one may ever know you’ve used one. Just be careful — if your targets do figure out you’ve used a DRT box, and you haven’t gotten a warrant, they may be able to convince a judge to throw out all the evidence you’ve collected on them after you used the device. You can mount DRT models like this one in an aircraft to fly over the crowd.
Nicknamed “dirt boxes,” these devices can locate up to 10,000 targets and can process multiple analog and digital wireless devices all at the same time. They’re even capable of intercepting and recording digital voice data.
I looked through the entire catalog and thought we have
to audit these F'er's.
This outrageously priced garbage has one purpose
and that is to watch listen and locate US citizens.
One lousy black box and laptop is $365,000.
What a waste of money.
originally posted by: eisegesis
originally posted by: Xtrozero
originally posted by: eisegesis
This bad dude is not cheap with around 700k to 800k, so have fun buying it hehe... This is pretty much useless in the states but is priceless in places with few cel towers to locate the bad guy.
originally posted by: Bedlam
BF2 is relatively cheap...only $75k! What a bargain!
Of course, you could cobble one together, but you're going to have to learn SDR (a LOT of calculus, hold onto yor ass!), radio design, RF layout, and the entire technical data collection for cell phone communication, top to bottom. I'd say if you have a science degree of some sort, it ought not take you more than 5 years of backbreaking labor.
originally posted by: Xtrozero
That is the point..when there are only 8 in the world then crappy cheap components wrapped around TS stuff it can cost a hell of a lot.
originally posted by: eisegesis
a reply to: Bedlam
How much of this technology do you think is or becoming obsolete? Different regions of the globe are advancing at different paces, I'm sure they could find a use for what the US considers "old", in other parts of the world.
In your opinion, what is the scariest thing in this catalog and have any vendors surprised you as the makers of any of these devices?
PS - I'm actually taller than Scotty, certainly not as big. That guy could pick his teeth with a chair leg.
"This man is so mean his own mother hates him, I don't even like to look at him!...but I'm not in this for what I like, I'm in it for bucks." LOL
originally posted by: Xtrozero
originally posted by: Bedlam
Then you build 20. And you have to amortize ALL that crap over 20 boards.
A lot of engineers in places like China Lake that all gets bundled into the final cost.
originally posted by: Bedlam
originally posted by: Xtrozero
originally posted by: Bedlam
Then you build 20. And you have to amortize ALL that crap over 20 boards.
A lot of engineers in places like China Lake that all gets bundled into the final cost.
A lot of purchases, they can't include engineering as a line item. So you roll it all in and divide by number of boards as purchase cost.
Another fun thing is, the aerospace guys have to get quotes on it and rebid your stuff to the purchaser, so we get an off-record call to set the specification from the purchaser, who then informs NG, Boeing and LM that there is a sole vendor for the item. They all call us and find out the price, then they all bid it with whatever markups they can get. But all the bids are us.
Even if you can't break the encryption in real-time, you can use some of the SDR tricks to locate boxes that are doing spread spectrum and whose users think they are being all cagey and secretive.
U.S. and Israeli companies are supplying sophisticated surveillance technology to Central Asian nations with records of widespread human rights abuses, giving state security services virtually unchecked power to monitor the communications of ordinary citizens, according to a new report by Privacy International.
Researchers for the watchdog group, based in London, allege that the spy gear sold by these companies is key to the functioning of police states that smother the exercise of free speech, political dissent and other basic rights, while helping authoritarian governments maintain their grip on power.
“The systems we are talking about are getting smaller, faster and cheaper every day,” Schaake told the Kernel. “Technologies that are sold as law enforcement tools can easily be abused in countries where the rule of law is not upheld, and where journalists, human rights defenders, opposition politicians, and ordinary citizens are attacked by their governments through these tools.”
The Wiretapper’s Ball
Like any major industry, the companies in the business of selling surveillance technology have conferences. Those trade shows, which are held a few times a years in locations like Mexico and Dubai are called ISS World, more commonly known as the “Wiretapper’s Ball.”
ISS World gives everyone involved in the government surveillance business, from the vendors of surveillance technology to the government intelligence agents themselves, the chance to talk shop. The list of talks the conference held in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, earlier this year include:
How to intercept wireless communications on 3G, 4G and LTE networks mobile networks
How to carry out remote stealth surveillance on encrypted traffic networks
How to use encryption to avoid remote stealth surveillance
How to use facial recognition technology and gathering metadata on images posted on Facebook
How to defend your networks against zero-day attacks—meaning, ones exploiting previously unknown holes in digital security systems
From what public accounts do exist, the events themselves seem like profoundly weird experiences.
A Bloomberg News report about an ISS World conference in Kuala Lumpur in 2011 noted that, unlike almost every other business conference in existence, there are no cocktail parties. Attendees try to avoid even being seen talking congregating with each other in public. That kind of socialization isn’t encouraged when the stated profession of nearly everyone in attendance is stealing secrets and the events are potential recruiting grounds for double agents.
At a previous iteration of the conference in Prague, one telecom regulator from an African government looked up from his tablet to see the action being displayed on his monitor also being projected on a screen at the front of the room in real time. He had logged the hotel’s wireless Internet and someone had quickly hacked his system to teach him an important lesson about what happens when one is insufficiently paranoid in a room packed with spies.
ISS World’s organizer, a Virginia-based company called TeleStrategies, is notoriously secretive. It doesn’t allow journalists into its conventions and, when contacted by the Kernel, a representative said the company has a policy of not granting interviews with the press.
The software is constantly updated to avoid firewalls and antivirus programs because what’s untraceable today may be easily defended against tomorrow.
However, the organization has apparently let in representatives from Sudan, Iran, and Syria—nations whose repressive governments have earned them a place on the list of countries sanctioned by the U.S. government. According to a report by independent researcher Colin Anderson, TeleStratagies requires that attendees register under the umbrella of larger, pre-screened organizations.
“In the case of Sudan, TeleStrategies has indicated knowledge of the participant’s nationality through its disclosed attendance records,” Anderson wrote. “Six of the listings are entities of the Government of Sudan, and three of which, recorded as ‘Governmental LEA,’ ‘Sudan Ministry of Interior,’ and ‘Sudan National Telecommunication Authority’, are directly cited within the State Department’s Human Rights Reports as parties in the country’s online and offline human rights abuses.”
For their part, the conference’s organizers say they do what they can to block representatives from some of the world’s most notorious governments from attending. Other than that, as TeleStratagies President Jerry Lucas charges, ethical concerns are “not our responsibility.”
It’s a sentiment echoed by Hacking Team spokesman Eric Rabe. He insists that, outside of building and helping set up the technology, his company plays no part in whatever investigations its governmental customers decide to carry out. “I don’t think you want Hacking Team to be the universal arbiter of what countries are good and what countries are bad,” he noted. “That’s why we rely on blacklists; that’s why we rely on governments to help us.”
In one sense, that shirking of moral responsibility is a dodge. But in another, it’s hard logic to argue with. If governments don’t set up clear rules about the sale of these technologies, there’s going to be nothing stopping companies from selling whatever they want to the highest bidder—even if the intentions of that highest bidder are less than honorable.