Washington's "Farewell Address" - Warnings Gone Unheeded - Conspiracies Left Unchecked

Mods, I felt it necessary to paste the Farewell Address of George Washington here in it's entirety. I am doing so because a great number of people have a habit of only reading what is pasted here without actually taking the time to read the whole.

There is no part of his farewell address which I feel can be considered "unimportant".

Friends and Fellow-Citizens:

The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the Executive Government of the United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made....

The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust I will only say that I have, with good intentions, contributed toward the organization and administration of the Government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious in the outset of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it....

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare which can not end with my life, and the apprehension of danger natural to that solicitude, urge me on an occasion like the present to offer to your solemn contemplation and to recommend to your frequent review some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to permanency of your felicity as a people.... Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.

The unity of government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to you. It is justly so, for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth, as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned, and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together. The independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint councils and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes.

But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole.

The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the same agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and while it contributes in different ways to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.

While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations, and what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this sense it is that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other....

Is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to union affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands.

In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union it occurs as matter of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations--Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western -- whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You can not shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection....

continued below: Please do not reply.

To the efficacy and permanency of your union a government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute. They must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay by the adoption of a Constitution of Government better calculated than your former for an intimate union and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This Government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the constitution which at any time exists till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government....

Toward the preservation of your Government and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect in the forms of the Constitution alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what can not be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember especially that for the efficient management of your common interests in a country so extensive as ours a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to con-fine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.

I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy....

It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passion. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.

There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose; and there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by force of public opinion to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.

It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism.... If in the opinion of the people the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this in one instance may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield.

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness -- these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.

It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric? Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.

As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen which we ourselves ought to bear....

Observe good faith and justice toward all nations. Cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct. And can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period a great nation to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of time and things the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?

In the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations and passionate attachments for others should be excluded, and that in place of them just and amicable feelings toward all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges toward another an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur.

So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country without odium, sometimes even with popularity, gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation....

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people to surrender their interests.

The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial relations to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.

Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world, so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it, for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand, neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the Government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard....

Though in reviewing the incidents of my Administration I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence, and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love toward it which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize without alloy the sweet enjoyment of partaking in the midst of my fellow-citizens the benign influence of good laws under a free government -- the ever-favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.

Continued below. Please do not reply.

Were Washington to pen this address today, there is little doubt that he would be labeled a Conspiracy Theorist and a whack job along with the rest of us.

However, he wrote this address before those behind the scenes had the chance to gain their power and indoctrinate all of us with a false sense of what nationalism and love for country truly are.

Washington, in his address, warns against the dangers of those who would conspire behind the scenes to take control of a government and it's people. Also, Washington warned of the inherent dangers that come with a system of political parties and alliances with other nations. In fact, Washington was correct in stating that adhering OUR nation to another opens up the door for us to become enslaved to that nation and the pursuit of THEIR ideologies.

Washington stated that we, as a whole, have a duty to OUR country and it's citizens above all else and he warned us of the dangers of forgetting this.

Yet, look at us now.

Not only are we, the American people, enslaved to the goals of foreign nations, we are also allowing ourselves to be made to kneel and serve a system that no longer cares for OUR needs and wants above the needs and wants of a select few.

Washington, in his address, was spot on in his fears of what may come from a system based on party lines, corruption and foreign ties (be they hostile or friendly).

He stated, almost blatantly, that we, the people, should be wary of those who wish to undermine the nation as a whole through secret and conspiratorial means. Yet, here we are only a few hundred years later and those of us who warn of the same are labeled kooks and conspiracy nuts. We are labeled as a danger to the sovereignty of our nation while those doing the labeling are selling US out to every foreign power they can for the purpose of providing themselves with more power and keeping their pockets deep.

Our forefathers had the insight to realize that government must be CONSTANTLY checked to ensure that a fair and equal balance in maintained in order to prevent any select group from amassing too much power and putting us all under a state of tyranny. They left, for us, a system that enabled US to have the power in this country and all we seem to have done is hand the power over to those who yearn for it and scream, "Please oh mighty ones! Please save us from danger!".

Unfortunately, the ones we have to fear the most are the ones that WE have allowed to obtain a death grip over us through providing us with a false sense of imminent danger and the need for them to watch over us.

Too many people make the mistake of thinking that there is nothing wrong since we are not all in shackles in our own little Dachau (sp?). At some point in our history it became okay for the government to hold it's power over all of us and say that it was our duty to allow them to do as they please.

A great number of us here in the United States do not seem to realize that not all slavery is maintained through the use of chains and whips.

We, as a people, have allowed our government almost limitless reign in their desires to constantly monitor us. There is hardly any place we go or anything that we say that they cannot be a party to if they so choose. They are, as we speak, figuring out the best way to establish a global system of tagging and monitoring us as if we were all cattle and yet, we do nothing. We have members of OUR OWN GOVERNMENT constantly searching for ways to merge us, The United States, with Mexico and Canada to form a "North American Union" and yet, there are those of us who do not realize that this is nothing more than establishing an EMPIRE which is contrary to EVERY IDEA AND NOTION that our great country was founded upon.

Yet, we do nothing.

In the very beginnings of our nation, a system of checks and balances (fully supported by term length) was established to ensure that no one branch or GROUP of government was able to obtain too much power. Yet, this system is (and has been) being defied daily and we are allowing it to happen.

Sure, our Presidents and other members of government are limited to a set number of terms. However, it is a great ERROR on our part to believe that this is where the power in our country truly lies.

The powers that be in this country are NOT your presidents and senators. They are not the judiciary and law makers. The powers that be in this country are groups like the Federal Reserve Board and the Bilderberg Group and these powers are NOT limited by time.

These groups, through undying desire for power and an almost enviable amount of patience, have successfully usurped control of this nation. While the president or the senator of the day is out in public making speeches and trying to appease us through lies and fancy promises, these guys are meeting behind closed doors and amounts of security that even the pope would be jealous of. This small group is doing nothing but playing a chess game for power and using US as their pawns to achieve it. They are planning out OUR future in such a way that they are best benefited and they have the power and financial means to make sure that their plans for OUR future come to fruition.

This is NOT what America is supposed to be.

The power in this nation is supposed to reside in the hands of US, the citizens of these United States. Yet, many of us seem to have forgotten that.

Our owners have taught us that it is wrong to question the government. They have convinced us that it is US that needs them and not the other way around.

It has become the rule that it is unpatriotic and unAmerican to speak of corruption within our government. To fear a usurpation of power by those who have only their best interests in mind has become to sign of a crazy man. It has become an act of dishonor to believe that our duty, as citizens of the United States, is to put the wellbeing of OUR nation first and foremost above all others.

What in the hell are we doing?


Are there really those of you out there who feel that it is our duty, as a nation, to put Israel's (or any other nation) wellbeing before our own?

Are there really those of you out there who feel that OUR government (because it belongs to US) has the right to listen in on every phone conversation we have if they so choose? Or read every email?

Are there really those of you out there that feel that we are honestly hated because of the FREEDOM that we so take for granted?

Are there really those of you out there who feel it is JUST for the Pharmaceutical companies and Oil Mafia to have such a domineering say so in national policy?

Some of you guys ask how we can possibly feel the way we do about our government and how we can honestly believe kooky conspiracy theories about a secret (or shadow) government.

I ask, HOW CAN YOU NOT?

How can anyone with at least 4 of the 5 senses not realize what the hell is going on here?

How can any of you look at the Federal Income Tax portion of your paycheck and NOT be infuriated when you hear mention of the national debt and the vasts sums of money that are being given by our leaders to fund a war that benefits NONE OF US?

How can any of you go to work day in and day out and constantly struggle to make ends meet without becoming IRATE at the mention of there being more billionaires on the planet now than ever before?

How can any of you pay $3 to $5 per gallon of gas at the pump and not want to revolt when you hear that the oil companies are posting record profits every quarter?

How can any of you continue to watch as our government officials scoot around the world in their private jets giving B.S. speeches about the welfare of the people before sitting down to their 9 course meals while 20% or more of the people in your town won't eat tonight because they had to make the choice between paying for food or paying the electric bill and not be seething with anger?

How can any of you listen to the constant talk of some politician or lobbyist vacationing in one of their 10 homes with a clear conscience knowing that there are several hardworking and honest families being kicked out of the only one they have because they couldn't afford the mortgage payment at any given moment?


America is OUR country. It seems to me that far too many of us have forgotten that.

It is NOT an act of terrorism to call the government out for their wrongdoings. It is NOT an act of terrorism to say that it is time for a change.

It is not unAmerican to speak of conspiracy and tyranny.

So what IS being unAmerican?

It's believing that your government controls YOU.
It's believing that your government has the right to take away your freedom to ensure your security.
It's not questioning the decisions your government makes.
It's supporting the wellbeing of an "allied" nation over the wellbeing of our own.
It's believing that it is our duty to police the world.
It's allowing foreign interests to control ANY aspect of our society.
It's leaving OUR citizens unemployed because labor is cheaper elsewhere.
It's worrying about problems in Iraq or Iran while our citizens suffer.
It's standing by and doing nothing while our country topples as our government helps others to prosper.
It's valuing foreign policy over domestic.
It's turning a blind eye to domestic threats in favor of false foreign ones.
It's electing officials because they have an R or D in front of their name instead of basing your vote on the welfare of OUR nation.


Indeed, if George Washington, Thomas Jefferson and others were alive today, I have no doubt they would be labeled terrorists.

If being a terrorist is placing the rights of myself and my fellow citizens above those of the government, then I to am PROUDLY a terrorist.


Jasn

SimiusDei, I wasn't going to post/reply anything today (no mood), and I haven't read Washington's speech on topic here yet. (C'mon, pretty big right?)

But I read your words and have to say I "felt" the passion, man.
Gave you my second star here on ATS...

Keep up awakening your brother and sisters from "up there"!
Well done, well said!

Peace

reply to post by Sator


Thank you for the kind words. Know that they are always appreciated.


Washington's address is indeed long, however, it is well worth the read.

Seems to me as if he is PERFECTLY describing the exact state of affairs today.

Nostradamus? HA! I say Washington!!!


Jasn