Absolute Power
The Making of the New World Order
by Richard K. Moore
Toward Freedom magazine, May 1998
The dominant trend of our time is globalization, marked by elimination of trade barriers, downsized governments, greater reliance on the private
sector, reduced regulation of business, and an increasingly global economy. Many people call that economic progress, but this form of globalization is
actually political regression, threatening to destroy democratic institutions and revert to something resembling feudalism.
In some ways, the US is central to the process. It's the leading free trade proponent, and provides the primary military muscle to maintain global
order. When the US president speaks on international issues, his words are taken seriously. Yet, the US isn't the primary beneficiary of
globalization, and doesn't appear to be exploiting its advantage in the traditional fashion.
The reason should be obvious: Globalization isn't about competition among nations, it's about the increasing power of mega-corporations over
nations. In effect, the US government acts as a proxy for elite corporate interests, not as a representative of its people or even national interests
in any conventional sense. Although sovereign national states are the Familiar World Order, globalization is leading us inexorably toward a New World
Order where mega-corporations (and the wealthy elite who control them) reign supreme, while nations are reduced to a vestigial, subservient, policing
role-as seen in much of the Third World.
THE DEMOCRATIC ILLUSION
Under feudalism, there were three elites: the church hierarchy, landed aristocracy/nobility, and royalty. As that system ended, an additional
elite-the business wealthy-gained influence through trade and manufacture. These elites competed for power, with different accommodations from time to
time and place to place.
For the general population, the elites represented security or tyranny, depending on your perceptive. But it was obvious that they ran things; no one
pretended society was democratic. With the advent of 'democratic republics," the older elites were ousted, while the business wealthy, who ushered
in capitalism, remained relatively undisturbed. Did this transformation bring about genuine democracy, or merely monopolization of power in the hands
of the single remaining elite? The question remains open.
Although sentiment for independence in the American colonies was minimal prior to the latter 18th century, objective conditions made it a natural and
comparatively non-disruptive step. The colonies were largely self-governing and economically self-sufficient, and had their own social identity,
extensive trading fleets, and considerable natural resources. Boston was the third busiest port in the British Empire. The issue was independence, not
a social or political revolution. The colonial assemblies would presumably continue afterward, with essentially the same leaders, and land ownership
and economic activity continuing basically as before. However, industrial development would be possible and international trade wouldn't be directly
limited by the vagaries of British imperial entanglements. The resources of the new continent could be developed without sharing the spoils. For the
elite, a divorce from the empire represented profound, immediate economic opportunities.
Whatever one might think about the intentions of the (mostly elite) Founding Fathers-or the theory of the Constitution-- US history has been a see-saw
battle for control between the people and the capitalist elite. At times, as in the late 19th-century-robber-baron era, the elite brazenly ruled.
John. D. Rockefeller bragged about how many government officials were "in his pocket." At other times, as during Franklin Roosevelt's presidency,
government seemed more responsive to the needs and wishes of the general population.
Gradually, the US became an almost mystical symbol, complete with fable-like imagery: the land of freedom and opportunity, a "bastion of democracy"
where the streets were "paved with gold." People yearned to believe in this fairy tale kingdom. In reality, its growth was largely achieved through
periodic warfare.
There has been a significant war approximately 30 years, often initiated (overtly or covertly) by the US, and usually sparking a further expansion of
US power and elite interests. Such aggression isn't particularly uncommon among nations; what's different is the propaganda mythology that
successfully defined the US as acting in defense of "freedom and democracy."
Repeatedly, the use of outrage-incidents triggered the war spirit, and channeled the resulting wrath toward the nominated enemy. It concentrated power
in the executive branch, where elite control is generally most undiluted by popular influence. This process is exemplified by the Gulf of Tonkin
incident, which enabled full-scale US military involvement in Vietnam. The incident was faked, but Congress promptly issued its knee jerk resolution,
authorizing the president to "act in defense." The "authorized actions" were then incrementally escalated into a full-scale war, with Congress
having minimal additional influence and popular will finding expression only in the streets. Even when the hoax was exposed, it was too late to put
the genie back in the bottle.
TOWARD GLOBAL DOMINANCE
The rise of communist and socialist movements following World War I created considerable fear among elite capitalists. Marxist ideology emphasized
their tyrannical aspects, and issued a call for solidarity among peasants and industrial workers, whom Marx credited with creating all real wealth.
Although simplistic, this ideology took firm root in Russia and seemed poised to spread farther.
In Germany, Italy, and Spain, anti-elite movements gained popular strength under the banners of socialism, communism, or anarchism. Thus, it wasn't
surprising that the elites in those and other countries welcomed and encouraged the rise of fascism, which was virulently anti-communist,
pro-capitalist, and willing to brutally suppress any opposition.
Hitler began his political career as an operative of German military intelligence and received funding and support from Western industrialists. While
in prison, writing Mein Kampf he kept a portrait of Henry Ford on his desk. Mein Kampf made it unambiguous that Hitler's primary objective was the
subjugation and economic exploitation of Russia.
By ignoring their own prohibition on German re-armament, the Western elite collaborated with Hitler in developing an invasion force targeted on
socialism's bastion. Meanwhile, it uneasily watched Japan's growing economic power and imperial scope.
The latter was a significant threat. Not only would Asian market and investment opportunities be highly curtailed, but Japan would be dislodging the
West from its role as collective master of the seas and arbiter of global imperial arrangements.
The US handled this complex situation with finesse and subtlety, guided by a strategic vision unsurpassed by the imperial masterminds of any previous
age. The war-popularizing incident was the Japanese strike on the US Pacific fleet, sparked by the cut off of Japanese oil supplies, which the US
convinced Holland to undertake. President Roosevelt feigned surprise and outrage, and the most formidable, popularly supported military crusade of all
time was launched.
By end of the war, the US was very close to global hegemony. It had the run of the seven seas, an intact military machine and national infrastructure,
a monopoly on nuclear weapons, greatly expanded influence in the oil-rich Middle East, and the lion's share of the world's disposable wealth and
industrial capacity. With most of the rest of the world in shambles, deep debt, and/or under occupation, the US had the prestige, power, and resources
to guide the construction of post-war arrangements largely according to its own designs.
RISE OF THE MEGACORPS
Following the war, the US-led Western elite drew a line on the globe, demarking the part they dominated. The "free world" (doublespeak for
"elite-controlled zone") was organized into a new kind of investment realm, while much of the "free" population was systematically subjected to
military dictatorships responsive to elite interests. The doublespeak usage of "freedom," originating during the American Revolution, had been
globalized. Meanwhile, the "communist bloc" (doublespeak for "beyond elite control") was contained: ostracized, pestered by provocative military
deployments, and subjected to chronic economic destabilization via the "arms race," expensive brushfire engagements, and trade restrictions.
However, rather than using its strength to establish a traditional imperial system, with Europe relegated to a secondary position and Japan kept
underdeveloped, the US implemented a bold new global scheme: collective imperialism. Under a Pax Americana military umbrella, an international
economic infrastructure was established (IMF, World Bank et al). Investment and trade were free to flow, increasingly, around the "free" world,
without the territorial partitions imposed by a competitive European imperial system. For the ax-colonies (soon to be dubbed the Third World"), the
result was domination by the capital elite, rather than the business interests of a single national power.
This semi-homogenized, semi-pacified, investment environment enabled large corporations to develop global operations. Thus arose the era of
megacorps-mammoth corporations with wealth and influence comparable to nations. Beyond any sense of home-nation loyalty, megacorps view regulations
and trade barriers as provincial interference. Their needs and demands are usually the hidden agenda behind Western policies.
This is a new species of political entity, in direct competition with its ancestor, the modern nation state. Born out of limited-liability laws,
nurtured by capitalist culture, and lacking any natural sense of limits, megacorps extend themselves like cancer cells, poisoning their host planet in
the process. Their motivation is to increase their market value on behalf of their owners.
What would be the nature of a megacorp-governed world? There's no need to speculate: We can simply look at Third-World countries. What we see are
minimal regulation and taxation of megacorp activities, along with repressive regimes subsidized, armed, and otherwise bolstered by outside elite
interests.
THE NEOLIBERAL REVOLUTlON
In 1980, a new phase of consolidation was launched in the US and Britain under the stage management of Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher. The
platform of the "neoliberal revolution" was lower corporate taxes, reduced corporate regulation, privatization of public services, elimination of
international trade barriers, and the self-demonization of democratic political institutions. "The only good government is less government" became
the kamikaze agenda.
This amounts to a wholesale transference of power, assets, and sovereignty into megacorp hands, embezzlement on the grandest scale ever attempted.
Public lands, rights, responsibilities, and assets are passed into private hands at undervalued prices-without effective public oversight. Government
itself is being dismantled. By rights, neoliberalism's public leaders ought to be indicted for conspiracy and high treason. Their revolution
represents a declaration that nation states are no longer the tools of power, and that megacorps are the primary vehicle for wealth accumulation and
organizing global society.
And they're making it clear that First World nations and their populations are no longer privileged partners in the game. To this end, international
arrangements such as the WTO, IMF, World Bank, NAFTA, and GATT ensure that economic, social, and political polices can be dictated globally by
corporate-dominated commissions. Megacorps and their commissions are controlled directly by the elite. There are no democratic mechanisms and no
pretense that they represent the "will of the people." Democracy, the scam which unleashed capitalism, has finally become a direct hindrance to
elite hegemony.
A significant difference between the neoliberal and American revolutions is the lack of emphasis on democracy and freedom. Today's promises are
related mainly to "opportunity." People are encouraged to assume that democracy is a fact of life, an unshakable institution, secure from any fatal
dangers. We're also encouraged to view capital exploitation as a sign of democracy, particularly in formerly socialist states. As citizens there
suffer under intentionally destabilized economies, megacorps organize exploitive infrastructures. Meanwhile, we're told that the locals are simply
"slow to adapt."
Traditionally in "democracies," police forces are small and order arises from the spirit of citizenship. But under neoliberalism, abandonment of
public services is depressing satisfaction' while the de-emphasis of nationalist ideology is undermining civic identity and voluntary compliance. The
elite understands that, as living standards decline in once-prosperous nations, more economic suffering and political discontent are inevitable. Not
surprisingly, police-state systems are growing, and an intense propaganda campaign is underway regarding crime, its causes, and cures. More police,
longer sentences, and more prisons are the elite's answer to the question of public order.
The nature of the US penal system is changing. As prison construction becomes the largest growth industry, a formidable capacity is being built.
Prisons are literally becoming the concentration camps of the neoliberal regime, places to isolate those redundant to corporate needs. But never
wanting to waste an exploitable resource, the elite are also developing an extensive prison labor system, renting out inmates to fill lower-rung labor
needs. This growing network of slave-labor concentration camps has escaped public notice. So, too, has its racial and ethnic bias.
THE WORLD COP
If nations are to be weakened, from where will the armies come to maintain the New World Order? Nationalist spirit has been central to modern war
efforts. How can a disenfranchised, betrayed populace be expected to rally "to the defense" when the elite need them? Who will maintain the
infrastructure for weapons systems and delivery? What will be the command structure, and on behalf of what political entity will military operations
occur? Finally, what about public opinion? The myth of democracy requires that some degree of popular sentiment be roused for dramatic military
interventions.
The Gulf "War" and its aftermath demonstrated how the elite plans to deal with some of these problems. The episode set major historic precedents,
establishing new paradigms for global propaganda, weapons technology, blitzkrieg tactics, and international law. It planted in the public mind the
principle that the US has a justifiable global policing role, and exported to the global stage its traditional war-incident scenario.
Technologically, it was a field test of new weapons systems. Precise night operations, stealth defenses, guided weapons, satellite navigation, cruise
missiles, bulldozers as mass murder devices, air-fuel explosives, uranium-weighted shells, anti-nerve gas vaccinations- an entire new generation of
weaponry was tested on a modern, supposedly well-armed, industrial nation. With almost no loss of life in the elite forces, Iraq's infrastructure was
systematically destroyed and its population subjected to relentless terrorism.
Technology helps solve the problem posed by the demise of strong nationalism, which formerly provided large, motivated armies. By emphasizing hi-tech
weapons, operated from safe havens, and using blitzkrieg tactics, the length of the intervention was minimized, the number of casualties (on the elite
side) kept low, and the need for a large, non-professional army reduced.
The war-provoking incident-Iraq's invasion of Kuwait-was brought about by Kuwait's economically provocative oil-dumping policy, followed by a "go
signal" from the US secretary of state regarding Iraq's invasion. Once the incident occurred, outrage and surprise were feigned, and a world-wide
media/lobbying campaign was launched to cajole UN approval of US military action. Saddam Hussein was quickly assigned the role of Hitleresque madman.
The US launched a military campaign of its own design, and-as with the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution-UN approval was a blank check.
This precedent established itself firmly on the media-managed "world stage." Since then, the US has all but been handed the official title of
"Judge Dredd"-judge, jury, and executioner of international law-and US intervention is no longer considered imperialism.
UNRAVELING THE BIG LIE
If the New World Order becomes completely operational, overall policies will be set by non-elected, corporate-dominated commissions; the world's
economy, information, and working conditions will be managed by megacorps; governmental functions will be reduced to administrative matters and police
management. And all this will be enforced by an elite-dominated strike force built around the US military and NATO.
The US has a unique role only partly due to its position as the dominant military power. It also reflects the fact that, compared to other First-World
countries, it's the most thoroughly captured by megacorp interests. And the US people, in their habitual credulity, are the most effectively
mesmerized by media mythology. It's almost a "safe house" for NWO operations.
There is only a brief window of opportunity in which First-World populations can reclaim their paper democracies, through intensive political
organizing and the creation of broad coalition movements. But such an unprecedented peaceful revolution will only become possible if people wake up to
the true nature of the threat.
Given the dire consequences of globalization, the widespread acclaim for its steady progress is somewhat remarkable. The credit goes to the
sophistication and pervasiveness of the accompanying propaganda campaign, plus the absence of effective forums for alternate perspectives. If a Big
Lie is repeated often and loudly enough, people will eventually believe it.
In countering globalization rhetoric, therefore, perhaps the most powerful argument regards the corruption of governments and politicians. Although
we're reminded daily of it, we're rarely informed that political corruption is really the illegal intrusion of the corporate elite into the
political process. But if enough people realize this, it will no longer be as easy for global corporatization to pose as a "solution" to the
problem.
*****
Richard K Moore, a former software developer, lives in Ireland, where he is developing a book on globalization and moderates cyberjournal@cpsr org
New World Order
source: