originally posted by: lilzazz
a reply to: mysterioustranger
He's already been anointed by God; to some trump is a Christ like figure with a heavenly dispensation to do the heavenly fathers work. It's not
just politics anymore....
It never was. And it's not exclusive to the political 'right' either. For example, in the previous century, the booklet
Church and Powers
published by the French Protestant Federation makes this comment about the historical relationship of religion and politics:
“The undeniable fact is that in the political field, the organized church has more often than not been directed, willingly or unwillingly, toward
two extremes: either it has claimed, sometimes by force, authority over the political powers, . . . [or] it has accepted to be the principal agent,
accomplice or silent witness of an unjust social order.”
However, Catholic archbishop Marcos G. McGrath of Panama said this was no longer universally true: “The old concept of a church as a parallel
structure to the secular power, and sometimes identified with it, is rapidly changing.”
Under the banner of “helping the poor,” “relevance” and “social justice,” an increasing number of the clergy were taking a new direction.
Radical social and political criticism replacing their traditional progovernment stance. They urged the rank and file to take an active part in
politics, even encouraging them to do so with the “leftist” socialist elements.
In May of 1971, Pope Paul VI made public a seventy-page “apostolic letter” sent to Cardinal Roy, archbishop of Quebec. Regarding the Catholic view
of politics, it says:
“It rests with Christian communities to analyze objectively . . . which choices and commitments should properly be made in order to bring about the
social, political and economic changes that prove to be necessary and often urgent. . . . It is the Christian’s duty to take part in this research
and in the organization and life of political society.”
What is the pope telling his subjects to do? In a front-page editorial headed “Paul VI, Christians and Politics,” the Paris daily
Le Monde
drew the conclusion: “There can be no mistaking; this is a true pontifical document, carefully prepared, that could have as its title: ‘Christians
Brought into Social and Political Life.’”
How far might a sincere Catholic go to bring about ‘urgent political changes’? Can he participate in the previously condemned “left,” the
socialist or Communist movements? These are often the ones most actively promoting “social, political and economic changes.” In answer, the letter
continues:
“Today, some Christians are drawn to socialist trends. . . . [acute discernment] will enable Christians to see to what extent they can commit
themselves to follow that road. . . . One is obliged to recognize that a variety of legitimate [political] choices are possible.”—
Le
Monde, May 15, 1971.
The left-wing Italian newspapers,
Stampa and
Avanti, noted from this that Pope Paul now allowed Catholics to cooperate with certain
forms of socialism. Gabriel Matagrin, bishop of Grenoble, France, went still farther, stating: “Nowhere does the letter state that it is impossible
for a Christian to be a communist or for a communist to be a Christian.”—
Annecy Catholique, October 1971.
The 136 French bishops assembled at Lourdes in October of 1972 lent their voices to the growing chorus. A long report entitled “For a Christian
Practice of Politics” emerged. Quoting from this, the Catholic journal
America shows the extent of political participation recommended for
the faithful by these bishops:
“Certain imperatives clearly emerge for one who takes the Word of God seriously: ‘respect for the poor, defense of the weak, . . . overthrow of
totalitarian powers.’ The Gospel is not neutral about such matters, and those who are witnesses of the Gospel ‘may be led to interventions in
political matters that will astonish some.’”—November 18, 1972.
Clergymen in many parts of the world have taken to this view of the “Gospel” with fervor. Does this report from United Press International
“astonish” you?
“In Latin America the Roman Catholic Church is something unto itself. And in much of it, radical Catholicism and Castro-style Communism go hand in
hand under the slogan: ‘Viva Christ. Viva Marx.’ . . . Theirs are not the plaster saints of traditional Catholic piety, but angry flesh and blood
figures of the recent past—Ernesto ‘Che’ Guevara and the Rev. Camilo Torres, a Colombia guerrilla priest.”—
The Jersey Journal,
April 20, 1973.
A report in the magazine
Latin America also notes high-level political activity. It says that three archbishops and ten bishops in Brazil’s
northeast with “a reputation for being ‘left-wing’” recently issued a “blistering attack on the government and all its works.” The report
continues:
“Such a development could hardly have occurred, in the view of many observers, without the green light from the Vatican . . . Furthermore, the
declaration of 6 May appears to show that, in contrast with its previous policy, the Church is no longer afraid of stepping into the political
arena.”—May 25, 1973.
Do you find it difficult to relate such activity to the “Gospel”? Many do. Yet many Protestant leaders have also taken a similar stance toward
politics.
Shortly after the Catholic bishops met at Lourdes, the French Protestant Federation held its triennial assembly.
Le Monde headlined its long
report on the meeting: “Politics the Crux of the Discussions.” The previously quoted booklet,
Church and Powers, was used as a basis.
Concerning a Christian’s political outlook, the booklet says:
“A number of theological trends generally known among the French Protestant public, particularly the young, point out that in the face of recognized
social injustice, love of neighbor requires definite commitment in the world, . . . and personal ‘involvement in politics.’”
This “personal ‘involvement in politics’” could go to the point of “revolutionary rebellion,” say the Protestant leaders.
In the same vein, General Secretary of the World Council of Churches, Philip Potter, told Berkeley, California, seminarians and faculty:
“The role of theology is to be an agent of change—with a refusal to be caught by what is! . . . Revolution and violence is admittedly
dangerous. But didn’t Easter bring the promise of revolution?”—San Francisco
Examiner, June 11, 1973.
The World Council and other Protestant bodies have been strongly criticized for making large financial contributions to revolutionaries and “being
obsessed with political and social issues.”—New York
Times, August 29, 1973.
Of course, not all clergy and laity were in agreement with the foregoing activities. But the fact is that there was a growing trend of religion in
radical politics, and that fact is worthy of note.
As previously noted, throughout history political leaders could usually count on full support from clergymen. Now, after all these hundreds of years,
why is their position changing?
Notice what the Catholic publication
America suggests as a reason. One article refers to a “‘gathering storm’ in the Protestant Churches
as the ministers who have
serious doubts about basic theological doctrines try to engage their parishioners in social action programs.”
(September 1, 1973; italics added.) A similar reason is given for Catholic political activity: “Many priests and nuns have abandoned their
role as preachers of a meaning-system (called ‘the gospel’), and are seeking ‘relevance’ . . . in radical political activity, which may (or
may not) be a consequence of faith, but is certainly no substitute for it.”—October 28, 1972.
That is the crux of the matter, is it not? “Serious doubts” and lack of faith in the gospel’s “relevance” are driving many clergymen
to look for “meaning” elsewhere. Without faith in the “gospel” or “good news” of God’s Kingdom for the blessing of mankind, they believe
that reform has to come by human political means. As Richard J. Mouw, writing in The Christian Century magazine, put it:
“God has chosen to call apart a people as his instrument for bringing in his Kingdom . . . the redemption of the world is, among other
things, a political redemption. . . . The political sphere is not merely an area in which a Christian can be a witness; it is one in
which we are called to proclaim the liberating power of the gospel.”—December 27, 1972.
Yet the “gospel” referred to in the Bible is about God’s heavenly kingdom that will rule the earth, not an earthly, political one
set up by men. (Matt. 9:35; 10:7) That is why Jesus said, “Mine is not a kingdom of this world,” and of those truly serving him, “My choice
withdrew you from the world.” (John 18:36; 15:19, Catholic Jerusalem Bible) Jesus’ words agree with what the prophet Daniel had said long
before. Not men, but “the God of heaven will set up a kingdom that will never be brought to ruin.” As for humans being the ones to run it,
Daniel’s inspired prophecy says it “will not be passed on to any other people. It will crush and put an end to all these
kingdoms.”—Dan. 2:44.
Do religious leaders believe in the separateness of God’s heavenly kingdom? No! The booklet Church and Powers counters the Bible’s
plain position on this matter by saying that “these relations [between Church and State] have been based on a narrow-minded reading of the
Scriptures that separate the two realms.” What do they offer sincere persons to replace this so-called “narrow-minded reading of the
Scriptures”?
Is it not just another brand of politics and revolution engineered by men? Though they realize the futility of their former faithless course
as the “principal agent, accomplice or silent witness of an unjust social order,” are they now turning in faith to God? More important, are they
instilling in sincere churchgoers faith in the gospel about God’s kingdom, which is their greatest responsibility? The record plainly answers,
No.