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originally posted by: Talorc
I like how with these issues between the sexes, everyone just assumes it's a social issue and has no root in biology and evolution. But apparently, the whole transgender thing is entirely rooted in biology. Odd, that.
The reason promiscuous women are shamed and trashed is because promiscuously lowers their value as a mate. Think about it--- the imperative for men is to "spread their seed", try to spawn the most offspring so that his genetic line isn't extinguished. A woman who is promiscuous and sleeps around is a liability for a man in a monogamous relationship; she might be cheating, and there's that possibility that his offspring aren't his own. Therefore, there's the risk that his genetic line might fail. Of course we have tests now that can determine the father of kids, but that's a new thing. This is all rooted in biology and instinct.
I think that women should start being more rational about this stuff and less reactionary and emotional. There is a rational, evolutionary reason why you are shamed for being a whore.
originally posted by: reldra
originally posted by: Talorc
I like how with these issues between the sexes, everyone just assumes it's a social issue and has no root in biology and evolution. But apparently, the whole transgender thing is entirely rooted in biology. Odd, that.
The reason promiscuous women are shamed and trashed is because promiscuously lowers their value as a mate. Think about it--- the imperative for men is to "spread their seed", try to spawn the most offspring so that his genetic line isn't extinguished. A woman who is promiscuous and sleeps around is a liability for a man in a monogamous relationship; she might be cheating, and there's that possibility that his offspring aren't his own. Therefore, there's the risk that his genetic line might fail. Of course we have tests now that can determine the father of kids, but that's a new thing. This is all rooted in biology and instinct.
I think that women should start being more rational about this stuff and less reactionary and emotional. There is a rational, evolutionary reason why you are shamed for being a whore.
That sounds more like Game of Thrones than anything in modern day life. Has nothing to do with evolution and is a useless idea now.
originally posted by: Kali74
a reply to: Hazardous1408
Ha! That I can agree with however... this whine fest as all about 2 words none of these people (YUP I did!) can handle... Obama and Feminism. T-T-Triggered!
originally posted by: reldra
originally posted by: DBCowboy
Didn't Obama just have a closed door meeting with some Saudi?
Yeah, I hear they treat their women will all sorts of equality.
What did he say about their treatment?
You just said the door was closed. How would anyone know?
originally posted by: Kali74
a reply to: FriedBabelBroccoli
I think you're misrepresenting the survey.
Like the developers of the Modern Sexism and Neosexism scales, we took inspiration from contemporary racism research. In particular, racism theorists (e.g., Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986; McConahay, 1986) had focused on two key changes in racist attitudes in response to changing social norms. Specifically, racism had become (a) more subtle and (b) ambivalent. The first point certainly seemed to hold true for sexism. In U.S. samples, the instrument most frequently used to assess sexist attitudes, Janet Spence and Robert Helmreich’s (1972) Attitudes Toward Women scale (AWS), had shown a steady decline in endorsement to the point that the variance on some items reflected differences in just how strongly people disagreed with them.
. . . .
Although we had set out to construct a more subtle and contemporary scale, it was ambivalence, the other issue racism researchers had focused on, that became our persistent intellectual irritation, eventually producing a crucial pearl of wisdom. Theories about racist ambivalence were rooted in the “American dilemma,” which applied specifically to Whites' treatment of Blacks. For example, aversive racism theory (Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986) proposed that well-meaning Whites now regularly tried to suppress and deny overlearned, negative stereotypes of Blacks. The Civil Rights movement had successfully created dissonance between American ideals and the undeniable history of brutal racism, slavery, and segregation in the United States. Sympathy for Blacks (motivated by egalitarian ideals and “white guilt”) created the “positive” pole of ambivalence toward Blacks. In short, racism theorists viewed racial ambivalence as a contemporary phenomenon, a post-Civil-Rights-Era syndrome, in contrast to “old-fashioned racism,” which had been open, explicit, and unconflicted.
A similar analysis might seem to apply to sexism. Not only had gender role norms and attitudes clearly been changing, but by the late 1980s and early 1990s, Alice Eagly and Antonio Mladinic (Eagly & Mladinic, 1989, 1994) had demonstrated that American students (male as well as female) had more favorable stereotypes of women than men. Nobody was arguing that sexism (then defined primarily as hostility toward women) had disappeared, but the “women are wonderful effect” seemed to confirm that attitudes toward women had, like attitudes toward Blacks, transformed from hostile to ambivalent.
But was ambivalence toward women a recent phenomenon? Eagly and Steffen (1984) had already pointed out that positive attitudes toward women were rooted in women’s role as nurturers. As these researchers noted, people think women are wonderful because of (not in spite of) traditional stereotypes about them.
. . . .
Our epiphany was that the subjectively positive side of sexist ambivalence had also been there all along—it was not a response to more egalitarian norms. Subjective benevolence toward women represented an old, not a new prejudice, and it probably had not changed much. Indeed, we informally noted that the benevolent items “sounded Victorian,” an observation that Stephanie Shields's (2007) historical analysis of complementarity in Victorian gender attitudes appears to confirm. These subjectively favorable attitudes did not require subtle assessment—unlike sexist hostility, such “positive” attitudes toward women elicited less social pressure toward suppression or change; instead of seeming prejudicial, many people still viewed these attitudes as “nice” and “romantic.”
. . . .
Thus, benevolently sexist attitudes had not prevented men from behaving horribly toward women, including violent assault and murder. The protection and affection BS promises (and sometimes delivers) is readily withdrawn when women fail to conform to sexist expectations. But unlike most intergroup relations, in which “we” not only can but often prefer to live without “them,” heterosexual men truly could not imagine completely living without women. It is hardly a consolation to female victims of male brutality that men’s aim is not to eliminate all women. But it is nevertheless important to understand that men’s hostility represents an attempt to control (rather than avoid completely or eliminate) women—intimidating them to keep them “in their place” and safely serving men’s needs without challenging men’s status, authority, and power (see Jackman, 1999, 2001). This helps to explain why women are often more at risk of violence from the men they love (i.e., with whom they are intimately interdependent) than from strangers.
The truth about sexism seems stranger than fiction, or at least stranger than any prior theory had suggested. BS does not represent sympathy for the underdog stemming from a contemporary sense of fair play. Rather it is a fundamentally antiegalitarian, gender-traditional attitude. Yet it is not only positively valenced, but intensely so, representing a genuine affection deeply rooted in a highly romanticized and intimate interdependence between the sexes. The label benevolent sexism represented our attempt to encapsulate the odd and jarring conjunction of what at first seemed inherently incompatible: subjective affection as a form of prejudice. This analysis, however, made perfect sense when considering BS as a paternalistic prejudice (see Jackman, 1994, for an incisive and comprehensive analysis of paternalism).